Over the past 20 years, successive French Presidents have attempted to break away from the stigma of Françafrique. Sarkozy in 2007, Hollande in 2012, and finally, Macron in 2017 all have...Show moreOver the past 20 years, successive French Presidents have attempted to break away from the stigma of Françafrique. Sarkozy in 2007, Hollande in 2012, and finally, Macron in 2017 all have articulated, convincing more or less the international community and African counterparts, their respective will to build Franco-African relations based on equality in rupture with neocolonialism. Have they succeeded? What drives current relations between France and African states? This thesis aims to dissect what characterizes the most recent French foreign policy on the African continent, specifically its discursive construction in a context where French influence has been internally and externally challenged. Drawing on French official speeches, this paper argues that despite a shift to a partial solidarity-driven status towards the African states, the fading away of the discursively produced position of a dominant France relative to Africa is still not being entirely eroded.Show less
Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found...Show moreSince the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found to pursue a foreign policy strategy of strategic hedging between China as a rising power, and the United States (US) as their long-time ally. However, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region also plays a key role in the execution of this New Silk Road. Despite this, there is a gap in the literature regarding how these states may respond to the rise of China through this new initiative. Egypt, which holds a significant position in the transportation routes due to its dominance of the Suez Canal, is a key player in this initiative, but remains overlooked in discussion about the BRI’s role in the new world order. Therefore, this thesis aims to investigate to what extent Egypt is using the BRI and increased Chinese influence to hedge against the US. Drawing on the emerging theory of strategic hedging, this study assesses the theory’s applicability to the case study of Egypt as a secondary power in the MENA region. Through qualitative analysis of key economic and military factors, as well as expert interviews, this analysis provides two main findings. Firstly, Egypt is pursuing a hedging strategy towards the US through increased economic engagement with China. Secondly, this strategy is characterized by economic hedging, a less competitive form of hedging that allows Egypt to maintain relatively more positive relations with the US. Finally, this thesis suggests that further research should focus on detailed data regarding Egyptian domestic factors, and the applicability of hedging to other BRI participants in the MENA region, to provide a more comprehensive exploration of strategic hedging in International Relations (IR) theory.Show less
There is a strong upward trend in the amounts spent on development aid. In 2022, the total amount of Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) was five times higher than in 1960. The European Union is...Show moreThere is a strong upward trend in the amounts spent on development aid. In 2022, the total amount of Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) was five times higher than in 1960. The European Union is responsible for about two-thirds of humanitarian aid worldwide. However, it is questionable whether development aid is actually effective. A ‘least-likely case’ is Nigeria, it received 9 billion euros from the EU in the period of 2007-2024. Yet it has one of the worst development factors in Sub-Saharan Africa. This Thesis aims to find an answer to the question of whether European development aid was really effective in Nigeria, and whether the targets the European Union set itself were actually achieved. This is done by using the National Indicative Programme (NIP) that ran from 2014-2020. The analysis shows that despite achieving some of the objectives examined in the health care sector, the NIP has mostly failed to achieve the desired impact. Primarily, the high level of corruption ensured that few development objectives have been realized. Therefore, it can be concluded that European Development aid has not really been effective. For further research, it would be valuable to look at the Multi-Annual Indicative Programme (MIP) that runs from 2021-2027. Here, slightly different targets have been set that may give different results. In addition, it may be of added value to conduct a study of how Nigerian agencies report, since there are sometimes substantial differences between the observations of NGOs and these agencies, which can lead to different interpretations. This could possibly engender a different observation of aid effectiveness as well.Show less
Met de focus op het inzichtelijk maken van de relatie tussen gepersonaliseerd kiesgedrag en ideologisch kiesgedrag heeft dit onderzoekt tot doel uitspraken te kunnen doen over de vermeende...Show moreMet de focus op het inzichtelijk maken van de relatie tussen gepersonaliseerd kiesgedrag en ideologisch kiesgedrag heeft dit onderzoekt tot doel uitspraken te kunnen doen over de vermeende onderlinge afruil (Lachat, 2014; McAlliser & Quinlan, 2022). Allereerst wordt getoetst of de kans op gepersonaliseerd kiesgedrag toeneemt wanneer er sprake is van een ideologische afstand tussen de kiezer en diens partijkeuze. Vervolgens wordt getoetst of gepersonaliseerd kiesgedrag onder kiezers dan ook toeneemt naarmate de afstand toeneemt. De resultaten laten zien dat inderdaad, al dan niet met een kleine effectgrootte, een positieve relatie bestaat tussen gepersonaliseerd kiesgedrag en kiezers die zich minder door ideologie laten beïnvloeden. Gezien het effect ook statistisch significant is kan verondersteld worden dat meer invloed van ideologie op het kiesgedrag van een kiezer tot op zekere hoogte de invloed van individuele politieke actoren als persoon zijnde uitsluit. Ook is er reden om aan te nemen dat wanneer de afstand toeneemt het effect groter wordt. Daarnaast bevestigd het onderzoek ook de op de literatuur gebaseerde verwachtingen dat 'partijverbondenheid' alsook het 'volgen van de politiek' de kans op gepersonaliseerd kiesgedrag verminderd, en dat het zijn van een vrouw juist de kans versterkt.Show less
