This case study aims to understand how tourism can contribute to peace, by exploring the ways in which Israeli and Palestinian tour guides negotiate boundaries in a deeply divided society, through...Show moreThis case study aims to understand how tourism can contribute to peace, by exploring the ways in which Israeli and Palestinian tour guides negotiate boundaries in a deeply divided society, through working in MEJDI’s multiple-narrative tours. Specifically, it focusses on two types of boundaries that are negotiated: the social and spatial. The interpretive thematic content analysis of 8 semi-structured and in-depth interviews with Israeli and Palestinian tour guides reveals that social and spatial boundaries are negotiated through various processes. The most prominent in the social domain are: creation of a common in-group identity, established frequent contact and friendships, development of trust, and for most an increase in understanding and legitimization of ‘the other side’. Noticeable was that the spatial boundaries were harder to negotiate, because they have been institutionalized throughout the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The participants do cross the boundaries frequently, by guiding tours to places they usually do not visit and by re-ordering mental maps of safe and unsafe places. However, the wall/fence/checkpoints remain present and those boundaries are harder to negotiate. Ultimately, these findings are discussed and placed in relation to the ‘tourism and peace nexus’, contact hypothesis, social identity theory, theories on boundaries and boundary negotiation, and aim to contribute to the question if tourism can bridge gaps and lead to peace.Show less
The Lebanese political system is configured in a way to most accurately represent the country’s extensive religious plurality. Hence, the allocation of political representation is dependent on the...Show moreThe Lebanese political system is configured in a way to most accurately represent the country’s extensive religious plurality. Hence, the allocation of political representation is dependent on the demographical size of the individual religious groups. This political accommodation is termed confessionalism, thus, Lebanon is characterized as a confessional democracy. This paper aims towards the analysis of political parties functioning within this system. Hereby, the focus is set upon the question, whether parties act solely in the interest of their religiously affiliated constituency, or whether they attempt to reach out and mobilize popular support across sectarian borders. Exemplified by the case study of Hezbollah, the largest Shi’ite political party in Lebanon, differing strategies for cross-sectarian support mobilization will be displayed, such as the provision of social services, the use of inclusive rhetoric and certain means of mediatizing occurrences to shape a specific, favorable, narrative. Furthermore, Hassan Nasrallah, Secretary General of Hezbollah, is of importance, since his advocating for the so-called “Lebanonization” of the party, alongside the opening up to the political domain, termed Infitah allowed Hezbollah to progress from a militant group, to a dominant political party in Lebanon. Moreover, the strong interdependence between Hezbollah and both the Islamic Republic of Iran, as well as neighboring Syria is discussed, since these relationships direct both the agenda of Hezbollah, alongside the entire Lebanese socio-political domain.Show less
The Houthis managed to invade the capital of Yemen in 2014. During the preceding decades, the Houthis had turned from a religious student organization into a political and military organization and...Show moreThe Houthis managed to invade the capital of Yemen in 2014. During the preceding decades, the Houthis had turned from a religious student organization into a political and military organization and gone though six wars against the government. Reasons for their success have been argued to be their popular support and adaptability in identity construction, while the role of framing in the mobilization process has also been studied. This research ties these explanations together by means of the tripartite leadership capital theory by Nepstad and Bob, and shows how the components of the theory, namely, cultural, social, and symbolic capital helped the Houthi leadership in gaining support. This research shows that the symbolic capital of the Houthi movement is not attributed to one person but rather the family. In addition, this research examines the opponents of the Houthis and shows that leadership capital also partially explains why certain individuals supported the Houthis and others did not. Furthermore, this research critically assesses the role of the Houthi leadership in the mobilization process during the wars and shows that the role of leadership shifted when the conflict escalated, as many individuals joined the fight with Houthis for reasons completely unrelated to the leadership.Show less
This thesis analyzes the Israeli coverage of the campaign and election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th President of the United States. It does so by thoroughly reviewing the coverage of three...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the Israeli coverage of the campaign and election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th President of the United States. It does so by thoroughly reviewing the coverage of three Israeli newspapers. It provides a twofold background as a cadre to put this coverage in. First, a review on the academic literature published about the US-Israeli special relationship. Second, an analysis of the issues that have shaped and are shaping Israeli society. In this way, it is making an effort to understand US-Israeli dynamics as they are today.Show less
The EU has responded to an unprecedented flow of migrants across its Southern Borders with militarized border operations in the Southern Mediterranean Sea and Libya. Scholars understand the...Show moreThe EU has responded to an unprecedented flow of migrants across its Southern Borders with militarized border operations in the Southern Mediterranean Sea and Libya. Scholars understand the militirization of EU external border operations as legitimized primarily by humanitarian imperatives to save migrant lives. In this paper, I propose a revision of this ‘humanitarian thesis’ by demonstrating how EU border control operations should be understand as pursuing primarily security and law-enforcement objectives in the Central Mediterranean Region. EU policy makers have strengethened the mandates of Frontex and the EU Naval Force Mediterranean by coupling border operations with disrupting smuggling and trafficking networks, implementing a UN-imposed arms embargo on Libya, and fighting terrorism in Libya. My findings that EU militarized border control operations pursue European security and law-enforcement interests in the Mediterranean Region provides useful insights into the EU’s emerging migration governance regimes.Show less
By taking the Gülen Movement and Turkish regime as a case study, the aim of the thesis is to expose the developments in the state-society relationship, to seek why is the Turkish regime becoming...Show moreBy taking the Gülen Movement and Turkish regime as a case study, the aim of the thesis is to expose the developments in the state-society relationship, to seek why is the Turkish regime becoming increasingly authoritarian by examining international and domestic threats, and whether the Gülen movement is formally transformed into a scapegoat to give a rationale for government’s actions. An answer to the proposed research question: “What are the motivations of the Turkish government for targeting the Gülen Movement since 2012, and is this a strategy to shift away the focus from rising authoritarianism in Turkey?” is provided by confirming the hypothesis of the government scapegoating the Gülen movement to consolidate power and to shift the focus from its growing authoritarianism.Show less
