This thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists...Show moreThis thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists in Turkey.Show less
After an examination of primary and secondary American, Israeli, and international sources such as White House speeches, Aljazeera interviews, American and Israeli newspapers, and documentaries,...Show moreAfter an examination of primary and secondary American, Israeli, and international sources such as White House speeches, Aljazeera interviews, American and Israeli newspapers, and documentaries, this thesis shows that former president of the United States Donald Trump was the opposite of a mediator for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Instead of being the broker of peace, Trump’s foreign policy created more agitation in the Middle Eastern region, and on the international level. Trump played a strategic game, in which realist and constructivist elements were visible in particular. Thus, this study argues that Trump certainly did not improve the tense situation in the Middle East, although he truly saw himself as the true peace maker. In addition to that, this thesis makes a contribution to the field of International Relations in two ways. Firstly, this thesis created clarity by connecting several aspects of Trump’s decision-making on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to specific IR theories. Secondly, it is an addition to the yet incomplete amount of academic literature on the Trump Administration’s approach for this particular conflict.Show less
Abstract: Previous literature on the role of food in the diaspora indicates that social groups communicate their identity to outsiders through culinary culture and traditional recipes. What food is...Show moreAbstract: Previous literature on the role of food in the diaspora indicates that social groups communicate their identity to outsiders through culinary culture and traditional recipes. What food is produced, how it is cooked and with what available ingredients it is prepared has extremely meaningful cultural implications, especially in circumstances of migration, hardship and loss. Social media, however, has profoundly blurred the boundaries of knowledge implicit to social groups and “followers” who do not belong to the community, but who still consume food content online. In a way, social media has brought the traditionally domestic practice of food culture onto a public platform. On this platform, exclusion and praise have faced diaspora communities in relation to their cuisine in the food influencer community. Publicity, sponsorship and an international audience have changed how the Palestinian diaspora relates to its identity-marking food practices.Show less
This thesis analyses the determinants, of Iranian foreign policy towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia within, the regional sub-system, of the Middle East. Iranian foreign policy approach during two...Show moreThis thesis analyses the determinants, of Iranian foreign policy towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia within, the regional sub-system, of the Middle East. Iranian foreign policy approach during two regional crises- the- Bahraini and the Yemeni one- varies greatly and raises questions about the rationale of Iranian foreign policy towards Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This research tries to explain why Islamic Republic of Iran chose a militant approach in the Yemeni crisis whilst it opted for a passive approach in the Bahraini crisis. Furthermore, it seeks to discover what is the nature and the causality of Iran’s militant option in Yemen. This work is a qualitative research which use the case study of Yemeni Civil War, as a pattern of analysis. Through the lens of structural realism this research argues that the Iranian foreign policy posture towards Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is defensive in nature, and is aimed at the Iranian state’s survival and security maximization.Show less
This study examined how the film industry, Israeli and Palestinian in particular, can be used to promote intergroup dialogue and foster peace in the context of the long-lasting intractable conflict...Show moreThis study examined how the film industry, Israeli and Palestinian in particular, can be used to promote intergroup dialogue and foster peace in the context of the long-lasting intractable conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. I focused on content analysis of two films, one produced by Israeli and the other by Palestinian filmmakers. The reason for choosing these films is that both films were released after the Oslo Accords during a dynamic period. The analysis is based on the way each group represented each other, whether they encourage intergroup dialogue within the films, and what their view was on the ongoing peace negotiations. These questions paved the way for answering the question of whether the film industry can promote peace in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The analysis was grounded on Gordon Allport’s concept of Contact Hypothesis – further advanced by Ilfaz Maoz – which designates that intergroup contact can be effective in reducing negative stereotypes between groups in conflict and mutual prejudices. My findings reveal that the Israeli film contributed to creating one of the necessary conditions to reach peace. Although, the Palestinian focus is still on forming a national identity and longing for the past. This investigation adds to our understanding that film industries can serve as a platform that can provoke dialogue and contact among conflicting groups. Nevertheless, Israeli and Palestinian films released within the Oslo Process failed in choosing for this opportunity. Based on these examples, it is possible to conclude that changing conflict-driven narratives and stereotypes of the Other is a major challenge that societies face if they are willing to work towards peacemaking.Show less
This empirical study explores the relationship between authoritarianism and women empowerment. In academia relatively little attention has been paid to the correlation between gender studies,...Show moreThis empirical study explores the relationship between authoritarianism and women empowerment. In academia relatively little attention has been paid to the correlation between gender studies, particularly women’s rights, and authoritarianism. Recently however, literature in this field of study is expanding as more researchers start questioning the motivations and determinants of gender inclusion in authoritarian regimes. The objective of this research is to explore the Saudi regimes rational, behind one the hand advancing a state-feminist agenda which empowers women in different spheres of life, while at the other hand it is repressing the same group it claims to support. Based on Gerschewski’s Three Pillars of Stability theory, this study makes the premise that there is a correlation between women’s empowerment policies and the notion of regime survival. Gerschewski’s theory offers three pillars which are employed by autocratic regimes to remain in power: legitimation, co-optation, and repression.Show less
After examining an extensive collection of primary and secondary Israeli, Palestinian and international sources from organisations and institutions such as Al-Mezan, B’Tselem, the United Nations...Show moreAfter examining an extensive collection of primary and secondary Israeli, Palestinian and international sources from organisations and institutions such as Al-Mezan, B’Tselem, the United Nations and the International Criminal Court, this paper propagates the notion that throughout the Great March of Return, the Israeli military had indiscriminately killed innocent Palestinian men, women, paramedics, journalists and children with intent. Thus, this study argues that the excessive force specifically exerted by the highly-skilled Israeli snipers stationed by the separation fence near Gaza, constitutes as an act of democide.Show less
The Thesis constitutes an effort towards a comparative approach on the rhetoric and use of “Human Rights Language” of Yemeni and Syrian representatives at the United Nations General Assembly from...Show moreThe Thesis constitutes an effort towards a comparative approach on the rhetoric and use of “Human Rights Language” of Yemeni and Syrian representatives at the United Nations General Assembly from 2010 until 2019. The Theory of compliance serves as a means to explore possible explanations regarding the reason and extend to which Yemen and Syria representatives respectively, use the language of Human Rights during civil wars.Show less
This thesis explores how the Christian Democratic Appeal’s (CDA) attitude towards the Israeli- Palestinian conflict has affected the party’s understanding of its key principle solidarity during its...Show moreThis thesis explores how the Christian Democratic Appeal’s (CDA) attitude towards the Israeli- Palestinian conflict has affected the party’s understanding of its key principle solidarity during its most prominent years in government between 1980 and 2010. By analyzing primary source material in the form of personal statements from key CDA members, election programs and official party documentation, it focusses on two aspects of the CDA’s identity: (1) its membership of a family of Christian democratic parties, whose political identity is based on an explicit appeal to Christian values in general; and (2) its primary objective of both “nationally and internationally appealing to the responsibility of the strong to show solidarity with the weak” as laid out in the party’s Statement of Principles in 1980. This thesis concludes that the CDA, throughout its years in government, has been gradually drifting away from these aspects of its Christian democratic identity, because of (1) the CDA’s core principle of solidarity being originally inspired by Catholic social doctrine, (2) the Israel-Palestine conflict having been an internally dividing topic ever since the start of the CDA, and (3) the increasing support of the secular vote having made the party’s successes possible in the first place. This combination of factors has often made room for circumstances in which not always the content of the party’s foundational Statement of Principles was of the utmost priority. Moreover, it has often resulted in a negligence of the protection of those Christian values and traditions in places where Christian solidarity was actually needed the most. While this research gives an interesting insight into the CDA’s developing understanding of solidarity towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, future research on the connection between Christian democratic politics and threatened Christian communities in the rest of the world might be a welcome addition to the discussion.Show less
