This thesis explores the shifts in Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric in the tweets of Dutch populist politician Geert Wilders, focusing on how he may strategically adjust his rhetoric as his Party...Show moreThis thesis explores the shifts in Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric in the tweets of Dutch populist politician Geert Wilders, focusing on how he may strategically adjust his rhetoric as his Party for Freedom (PVV) moves from an outsider to a mainstream party in the 2021 and 2023 elections. Using a mixed-methods approach, 1,573 tweets from Wilders' X-account were collected and analysed, identifying 253 tweets containing conspiracy rhetoric, including 32 Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric tweets. The study created and employed a robust codebook to code the conspiracy tweets for their theme, agent, action, and intensity. The thesis places itself in the existing literature on the intersection of populism and conspiracy theories and their shared characteristics of anti-elitism, anti-pluralism, and threatened nationalism. Moreover, the study is underpinned by the theory that populism and conspiracy theories are used as an anti-establishment mobilisation tool, based on those shared characteristics. The study’s findings indicate that conspiracy rhetoric was more common and intense during Wilders' outsider position in 2021, with a dominant theme of deliberate government malfunction and targeting the government and political establishment as the conspiring agents. In contrast, in the 2023 election period, when Wilders gained a mainstream status, the conspiracy rhetoric became less frequent and its content less intense, focusing on themes of migration and its associated threats. This shift suggests a strategic moderation of Wilders' rhetoric to position himself as a potential coalition and government partner. These findings contribute to the broader discussion on populism and conspiracy rhetoric by showing the shifts in this rhetoric are mainly based on the changing party status. As many populists are experiencing a mainstreaming shift all over the world, this study is highly relevant. Further research can build on the current study, by employing a similar analysis that compares two populists’ rhetoric and by analysing Wilders’ rhetoric once more during or after his time in government.Show less
As the European elections are taking place, a narrative is emerging on the rise of an extreme-right wave. Migration has been a focal point for European far-right parties, shaping and defining the...Show moreAs the European elections are taking place, a narrative is emerging on the rise of an extreme-right wave. Migration has been a focal point for European far-right parties, shaping and defining the European political debate since the 2015 migration crisis. A recent theme emerging in European migrant discourse concerns the preferential treatment politically and in popular thought of Ukrainian refugees over other asylum seekers, notably those from Syria and neighbouring countries in the 2015 crisis. This paper aims to research the impact of NGOs in political and popular attitudes to refugee reception. Using a most similar methodological approach, it qualitatively compares two cases of important migration inflows in France with varying political and popular responses to research the impact of NGO involvement in these variations. It aims to add to broader theoretical discussions on the impact of pluralism on democratic legitimacy and the role of NGOs in that relationship. It seeks to analyze whether normative claims from pluralist democratic theory on that role have empirical import.Show less
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is essential for the economic development of emerging markets. Despite its potential, the distribution of FDI globally remains uneven due to political risk. This...Show moreForeign Direct Investment (FDI) is essential for the economic development of emerging markets. Despite its potential, the distribution of FDI globally remains uneven due to political risk. This thesis investigates the relationship between political risk and FDI, using Tanzania's impending Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) venture as a case study. It assesses political violence risk, employing a qualitative approach to analyse prevailing literature and primary data from interviews with key stakeholders in a bid to identify what the obstacle to the economy transformative investment decision is. The research finds that while political violence is a genuine concern, other identifiable political risks take precedent and are attributable to the delay. These are notably risks of expropriation and transfer restrictions that require a legislative framework. Additionally, the paper offers primary data on the Tanzanian dimension of the Ansar al-Sunnah insurgency along the Swahili Coast, addressing a gap in the existing literature.Show less
This thesis investigates whether Catalonia has a moral right to unilateral secession. The research question focuses on the legitimacy of Catalonia’s unilateral secession from Spain, analyzing it...Show moreThis thesis investigates whether Catalonia has a moral right to unilateral secession. The research question focuses on the legitimacy of Catalonia’s unilateral secession from Spain, analyzing it through the lenses of three main secession theories: remedial rights, plebiscitary rights, and ascriptive rights. The study critically evaluates the arguments of economic disadvantage, democratic will, and national identity as justifications for secession. The analysis finds that while Catalonia faces economic disadvantages, these do not meet the stringent criteria of severe injustices required for remedial secession. The plebiscitary theory, which emphasizes democratic will, is challenged by Catalonia’s divided public opinion, which consistently shows less than a clear majority in favor of independence. Finally, the ascriptive rights theory, which supports secession based on distinct national identity, provides the strongest moral foundation for Catalonia’s case, but it faces significant practical challenges, including potential international instability and internal divisions within Catalonia. The findings suggest that while Catalonia’s aspiration for independence has a moral basis under the ascriptive theory, the lack of severe injustices and insufficient stable majority support complicates the justification for unilateral secession.Show less
This paper contributes to the growing body of research on opposition fragmentation by asking whether the opposition’s format influences its publicly perceived performance and electoral success, as...Show moreThis paper contributes to the growing body of research on opposition fragmentation by asking whether the opposition’s format influences its publicly perceived performance and electoral success, as well as people’s satisfaction with democracy. Using regression analyses, I show that both the polarisation and the fragmentation of the opposition are associated with a decline in people’s attitudes toward them. Furthermore, an increase in opposition polarisation is associated with a decline in citizens’ satisfaction with democracy, while the fragmentation of the opposition shows the opposite effect. Lastly, the opposition’s polarisation and fragmentation show no significant effect on the governing parties’ vote share. Overall, the results of this paper suggest that investigating the format of the opposition gives insides not only into the public perception of opposition parties but also into citizens’ satisfaction with democracy.Show less
This Master thesis focuses on the effect of institutional factors on the imports of plastic waste between European Union member states. It analyses the historical development of the international...Show moreThis Master thesis focuses on the effect of institutional factors on the imports of plastic waste between European Union member states. It analyses the historical development of the international waste trade up until its current state. Then, it constructs an exploratory model focusing on the effects of institutional factors on intra-EU imports of plastic waste. It tries to estimate the effects through quantitative analysis using panel data analysis on intra-EU import data. The theoretical framework analysed in this project is institutional, but the results show little evidence that institutional factors affect plastic waste imports. By researching this, the study aims to gain a deeper understanding of the dynamics of waste trading amongst Global North countries, specifically in the EU context. This can allow for contributions to the optimisation of EU circular economy policy.Show less
The collapse of the Soviet Union was the beginning of a wave of significant political changes as its former member states transitioned towards various degrees of democratic governance. The path of...Show moreThe collapse of the Soviet Union was the beginning of a wave of significant political changes as its former member states transitioned towards various degrees of democratic governance. The path of democratization has been uneven among these states, with some moving forward and others reverting to authoritarian practices. This research delves into how the geopolitical stance, whether leaning towards the West or Russia, and the strength of civil society have influenced these distinct democratic paths. The study's approach attempts a nuanced assessment of the effect of civil society in driving policy and democratic change. By engaging in a comparative case study, the aim is to discover the relationship between international geopolitical dynamics and domestic societal forces and how they collectively shape the democratization of post-Soviet republics. This research provides theoretical and practical insights that could improve strategy development for policymakers and contribute to a deeper understanding of the post-Soviet political evolution.Show less
In de Nederlandse politieke praktijk komt het regelmatig voor dat bewindspersonen in een kabinet voortijdig hun post verlaten en, al dan niet tijdelijk, worden vervangen door een nieuwe minister of...Show moreIn de Nederlandse politieke praktijk komt het regelmatig voor dat bewindspersonen in een kabinet voortijdig hun post verlaten en, al dan niet tijdelijk, worden vervangen door een nieuwe minister of staatssecretaris. In dat geval is het aannemelijk dat er gevolgen ontstaan voor de beleidscyclus van het ministerie in kwestie, zo laat internationale politicologische en bestuurskundige literatuur zien. Daarnaast is reeds aangetoond dat de persoonlijkheid en leiderschapsstijl van een bewindspersoon een relatief grote rol spelen bij de totstandkoming en uitvoering van departementaal beleid. Het is echter nog onvoldoende onderzocht wat in de Nederlandse context de precieze gevolgen zijn van het aftreden en vervangen van bewindspersonen. In deze scriptie is door middel van elite-interviews met huidige en voormalige directeuren-generaal en secretarissen-generaal van Nederlandse ministeries onderzocht wat de effecten op de beleidscyclus zijn. Het blijkt dat een voortijdig vertrek van een bewindspersoon beperkte invloed heeft op de departementale beleidscyclus. Wel blijken de persoonlijkheid en leiderschapsstijl van vervangende bewindspersonen invloed te hebben op het functioneren van het ambtelijk apparaat.Show less
The small Caribbean island of Aruba has faced problems with administrative integrity ever since it gained independence in 1986, which has hampered its efforts to meet the Sustainable Development...Show moreThe small Caribbean island of Aruba has faced problems with administrative integrity ever since it gained independence in 1986, which has hampered its efforts to meet the Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG 16) established by the UN. Aruba, a Small Island Developing State (SIDS), collaborates with other nations to accomplish goals related to sustainable development. Its ties to the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the UN Multi-Country Office in Trinidad and Tobago make this possible. This thesis examines how closely Aruba has followed SDG 16, with a focus on SDG 16.5, which calls for a sharp reduction in bribery and corruption. This thesis closely examines the political environment, legal system, and anti-corruption initiatives of Aruba in order to evaluate the country's compliance with SDG 16 and efforts to combat corruption. It assesses the effectiveness of anti-corruption campaigns and highlights Aruba's anti-corruption efforts over the past ten years, emphasizing the significance of international cooperation, legislative changes, and the National SDG Commission. Using an integrated theoretical framework that incorporates the Integrity Management Framework and Norm Diffusion Theory, the thesis looks at how Aruba balances local priorities with compliance to international anti-corruption norms. This method provides insights into governance issues in similar situations. Several theories regarding Aruba's progress toward achieving SDG 16 objectives were put to the test during the research. First hypothesis: Aruba has instituted integrity-promoting programs like the Integrity Chamber and the Bureau of Integrity, according to data. The second hypothesis, which has some support, contends that despite these initiatives, structural problems still exist in the public sector. The third hypothesis, which has some support as well, suggests that political differences make it more difficult to put integrity-related policies into action. To sum up, Aruba has worked toward SDG 16 through a number of tactics and projects, such as the creation of institutions dedicated to integrity, changes to the law, initiatives to increase capacity, support for human rights, and global collaboration. These initiatives show a strong dedication to advancing justice, peace, and robust institutions—all of which are necessary for the nation's long-term development. Aruba is unwavering in its pursuit of SDG 16, despite persistent obstacles like political rifts, structural flaws, and bureaucratic roadblocks. It highlights the significance of sustained endeavors and collaborations for the welfare and sustainable growth of its populace.Show less
Since NATO expanded the alliance after the cold war with countries that were formerly part of the Soviet sphere of influence, the new allies have made significant and sometimes above average...Show moreSince NATO expanded the alliance after the cold war with countries that were formerly part of the Soviet sphere of influence, the new allies have made significant and sometimes above average contributions to the military operations. This research presents two dimensions on which post-communist NATO members can be divided, and dives into the question how much these variables affect troop contribution to NATO-led operations in Afghanistan. By collecting data from different public sources, a clear visual and numerical image will be created of the troop contribution and modernisation of defence for four different clusters of countries. Results show that post-communist nations overall contribute more to these military operations, but that not every group is equal in terms of how many troops are contributed. Modernised armies are in general less likely to contribute troops, while countries that have a higher domestic and regional threat perception are more avid to fight for their NATO security guarantee.Show less
Democracies face a crisis of self-preservation: how to defend against internal threats without sacrificing core values? This thesis explores militant democracy, a theory allowing limitations on...Show moreDemocracies face a crisis of self-preservation: how to defend against internal threats without sacrificing core values? This thesis explores militant democracy, a theory allowing limitations on freedoms to safeguard the system. While justifications exist that focus on democratic processes or core values, this thesis argues that the latter struggles with defining those values objectively. Can a democracy claim moral superiority without universal moral truths? Additionally, Rijpkema's (2018) concept of democracy as self-correction, another justification for militant democracy, remains unexamined. This research addresses these gaps by analyzing the limitations of defining core substantive democratic values and the challenges posed by the absence of objective morality. The Böckenförde Dictum will be used to support my argument. Furthermore, it provides a critical analysis of Rijpkema's theory. By examining these underexplored aspects, this thesis aims to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the tension between militant democracy and core democratic principles. Ultimately, it argues that there is an inherent contradiction within militant democracy, as actions against non-violent anti-democratic voices can contradict the will of the people, the very essence of democracy.Show less
While examining the efforts of the European Union to halt democratic backsliding two groups of actions have emerged. They can be summarized as efforts concerning legitimacy, where challenges to...Show moreWhile examining the efforts of the European Union to halt democratic backsliding two groups of actions have emerged. They can be summarized as efforts concerning legitimacy, where challenges to current Western norms are met, and concerning authority, where power misusage and active degradation to liberal law are met with policy change and increased vigilance. This project compares the two approaches and seeks to determine when backsliding is halted within two case states - Hungary and Romania. Analyzing the past two decades, the thesis project would allow for a greater understanding of whether each approach is worth taking in states in different stages of illiberalism.Show less
This master thesis looks at the relationship between weaponized interdependence and global security. Powerful states in a network create a weapon of their interdependence to make a situation...Show moreThis master thesis looks at the relationship between weaponized interdependence and global security. Powerful states in a network create a weapon of their interdependence to make a situation beneficial while exploiting or leveraging other states. Many researchers have written about the topic of interdependence, but there has not been a lot of academic attention to weaponized interdependence yet. The thesis builds on relevant literature to create five hypotheses that are favourable for weaponized interdependence having a negative influence on global security. The study is conducted using statistical analysis with data retrieved from various publicly available datasets, being converted into panel data. 211 countries are observed over a time frame from 1990 to 2007. This is done with Random Effects models for Linear and Logistic Regressions. The analysis finds no consistently significant results for the five hypotheses. There are some effects that have shown to be significant. However, these are either contradictory with the hypotheses or with the other variables, resulting in not being able to provide a concise answer to the research question.Show less
The Dutch company ASML produces internationally indispensable machines that manufacture advanced semiconductor chips. As a small state, the Netherlands are now caught between China and the US,...Show moreThe Dutch company ASML produces internationally indispensable machines that manufacture advanced semiconductor chips. As a small state, the Netherlands are now caught between China and the US, which are both interested in securing ASML technology. The purpose of this study is to look at the small state strategies employed by the Netherlands in reaction to US pressure to adopt export controls and what the impact is of ASML as a critical node on the power sources of the Netherlands. It proposes that a critical node mostly affects a small state’s intrinsic power (positively) and collective power (negatively). This will be researched by looking at official Dutch and American policy documents and interviews with government officials. It aims to add work on small state power and foreign policy strategies.Show less
The multicultural landscape within most countries has led to a rich tapestry of cultures and ethnicities, with generations of immigrants navigating the complexities of reconciling their heritage...Show moreThe multicultural landscape within most countries has led to a rich tapestry of cultures and ethnicities, with generations of immigrants navigating the complexities of reconciling their heritage culture with their current society. This research delves into the construction of ethnic identity among different generations of migrants, by focusing on the Portuguese community in Toronto, Canada. By exploring the experiences of different generations of migrants, this study aims to answer the following question: How do different generations of migrants construct their ethnic identity? Through thematic analysis and in-depth interviews, this research will explore the intricate dynamics of ethnic identity formation, examining the themes of identity, ethnic identity, cultural heritage and identity. The findings reveal nuanced patterns, showcasing how community involvement impacts belonging across generations. Multiculturalism's influence on first-generation immigrants is highlighted, emphasizing its role in their decision-making process of which country to migrate to. The study uncovers layered ethnic identities among second- and third-generation migrants, influenced by pivotal experiences and opportunities. The dynamics of cultural heritage connections, predominantly through vocabulary, are analyzed, showcasing how they vary across generations. Third-generation migrants achieve comprehensive integration, contrasting with variations for the first- and second-generations. All in all, this paper concludes by advocating for a nuanced understanding of these complexities in discussions on ethnic identity, urging policymakers and scholars to recognize and address the unique challenges faced by different migrant generations in their pursuit of belonging and integration.Show less
