The effects of climate change are becoming visible throughout the world and with it the call for more environmental policies inspired by ecocentrism, a philosophy that attributes intrinsic moral...Show moreThe effects of climate change are becoming visible throughout the world and with it the call for more environmental policies inspired by ecocentrism, a philosophy that attributes intrinsic moral value to nature. One such policy is the Rights of Nature (RoN), which has already been implemented in several countries like Ecuador, Bolivia, and New Zealand. The popularity of the RoN movement is growing but critical evaluations of the policy and implementation are scarce. This thesis aims to close that gap by evaluating the RoN from an ecofeminist perspective. I argue that the RoN’s use of gendered language perpetuates stereotypes of both women and nature and that the way the RoN is implemented now is just a continuation of the liberal Western system instead of the radical change it aims to be. I then apply the three ecofeminist philosophical principles of Phillips (2020) to the RoN and argue that though they help make the RoN more inclusive, they cannot induce radical change as long as they are implemented into a system that is built on the exploitation of both nature and women. Ecofeminism urges us to dismantle this system and base our policies on principles like empathy, care, and love.Show less
As the need to repatriate Islamic State foreign fighters (FFs) becomes increasingly pressing following the collapse of the organisation in 2019, European states largely remain reluctant despite...Show moreAs the need to repatriate Islamic State foreign fighters (FFs) becomes increasingly pressing following the collapse of the organisation in 2019, European states largely remain reluctant despite recommendations from academics, NGOs, and international bodies. None more so than the UK, which has enforced entry bans and citizenship deprivations for their FFs, a concerning development from one of the top three European countries that produced FFs (van Ginkel & Entenmann, 2016). Through the lens of securitisation theory, this study aims to shed light on how FFs have been securitised by analysing British parliamentary discourse on Shamima Begum, whose citizenship deprivation case remains a major topic in public debate due to her consequent statelessness. Two competing frames emerge: 1) the securitising ‘National Security’ frame; and 2) the counter-securitising ‘British Democracy’ frame. Although actors compete over what the real threat to Britain is, Begum or the government’s policy approach, I argue that they both ultimately invoke the same Orientalist identities of the savage Muslim ‘Other’ against civilised British society, building on narratives of the ‘enemy within’ that historically subjected the Muslim community to increased scrutiny and stigmatisation.Show less
This thesis examines why BRICS emerged among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, despite the dissimilarities between these countries. Following a constructivist approach, this thesis...Show moreThis thesis examines why BRICS emerged among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, despite the dissimilarities between these countries. Following a constructivist approach, this thesis assumes that regions are not fixed but rather constituted and constructed through ideational factors. As such, BRICS is considered a ‘virtual region’. The aim of this thesis is to explain the process through which a collective identity paved the way for cooperation among the countries. The analysis shows that the BRICS identity is rooted in the longer-standing narrative about the Global South. The shared identity facilitated the alignment of their interests. Despite some variation, a development-multipolarity discourse is identified. The countries not only seek economic development within BRICS and the Global South, but also a greater voice in global governance. The creation of a collective identity and the alignment of interests paved the way for BRICS to emerge as virtual region, embedded in the Global South narrative.Show less
Literature on the effect of campaign spending by political parties mainly focuses on the US context. This thesis attempts to examine the effect of campaign spending by political parties on...Show moreLiterature on the effect of campaign spending by political parties mainly focuses on the US context. This thesis attempts to examine the effect of campaign spending by political parties on proportional systems in Western Europe, with a case study of the Netherlands. The Netherlands was chosen because of its proportional system and high electoral volatility and effective number of electoral parties compared to other Western European countries. This allows the effects of campaign spending to be more apparent relative to other Western European countries (Bekkouche et al., 2022; McAllister, 2002). This thesis focuses on campaign spending by Dutch political parties during national elections from 1998 to 2021. The results section indicates that higher campaign spending by political parties results in greater electoral gain compared to the polls two months before election day. Additionally, this thesis provides indications that campaign spending has a differentiated effect depending on the size of the party. However, it is important to interpret these findings with caution due to data collection limitations.Show less
As part of the ongoing debate on freedom of expression, this thesis addresses the tension between media freedom and the harms that result from pejorative media narratives of refugees. The debate...Show moreAs part of the ongoing debate on freedom of expression, this thesis addresses the tension between media freedom and the harms that result from pejorative media narratives of refugees. The debate often focuses on speech types that can be linked to more apparent harms, such as hate speech. Pejorative media narratives are often overlooked in discussions about freedom of expression because they lack an explicit intention to promote harm and their effects are not immediately visible. With the influence of the media growing continuously, however, it is becoming increasingly important to consider the ethical boundaries of pejorative media narratives. This thesis explores the question: On what grounds, if any, can limits on media freedom of expression be justified? By taking an egalitarian approach, I contend that a commitment to the moral equality of individuals warrants limiting media freedom of expression in cases where equal moral status is undermined. Because pejorative media narratives of refugees perpetuate structural harms that infringe on their equal moral worth, certain limits are warranted. Considering the costs of limitation, I conclude that media organizations should self-regulate by implementing ethical guidelines for reporting on refugees.Show less
Election manifestos hold a significant place in modern politics and political science, providing structure to electoral campaigns, coalition building, and policy formulation. Yet, there is still a...Show moreElection manifestos hold a significant place in modern politics and political science, providing structure to electoral campaigns, coalition building, and policy formulation. Yet, there is still a lack of understanding on the intra-party writing process of these documents. Drawing on original interviews with manifesto committee members from four different Dutch parties spanning three decades, this exploratory research offers insights into the intra-party dynamics concerning the writing process. This study, employing qualitative methods, examines the interplay among various party layers and the evolving dynamics of the writing process. Contrary to the theoretical expectation that disintermediation of party organizations has led to the decline in influence of parties’ intermediaries on the content of election manifestos, the findings indicate a persistence of the intermediate party layer, while unorganized members are gaining influence on the manifesto writing process, and the leadership remains a central actor in the process. The conclusion is that intra-party democratization in the Dutch case does not lead to a plebiscitarian form of manifesto writing.Show less
This research focused on analysing the behaviour of ethnic leaders in autocratic ethnofederal regimes during changing economic situations of economic growth and contraction and in changing...Show moreThis research focused on analysing the behaviour of ethnic leaders in autocratic ethnofederal regimes during changing economic situations of economic growth and contraction and in changing political landscape of democratization and autocratization. More specifically, the focus was on the Russian Federation and its two ethnic republics: Republic Sakha and the Republic of Chuvashia. The cases were picked to represent a wealthy and a poor region of Russia. The analysis was conducted through qualitative content analysis of primary sourced speeches and secondary sourced interpretations of speeches given by ethnic elites such as heads of the republic, other political figures, or important business elites. The analysis was organized into two periods of democratization 1997-2000 and autocratization 2008-2011, and 4 sub-periods: 1997-1998 and 2008-2009 (economic contraction periods), and 1999-2000 and 2010-2011 (economic growth periods). The results found that Sakha as the wealthier republic is generally more secessionist during periods of economic contraction during both democratization and autocratization. Support was also found for the expectation that ethnic elites will prove more secessionist during democratization periods.Show less
This thesis explores the impact of public opinion on the establishment of deradicalization programs for returning foreign fighters. The issue of returning foreign fighters has become increasingly...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact of public opinion on the establishment of deradicalization programs for returning foreign fighters. The issue of returning foreign fighters has become increasingly relevant in recent years and governments worldwide have been struggling to reintegrate them back into society. By implementing a bottom-up approach to deradicalization initiatives, this thesis contributes to the body of literature on counterterrorism and sheds light on the potential influence of public opinion on the implementation of deradicalization programs. Agency theory, which forms the foundation of the study, contends that there will be a weak implementation when public opinion is against a deradicalization program, but the government is in favor of it. To test this theory and the causal mechanism suggested, this thesis studies France as the case using a qualitative method that incorporates process tracing and discourse analysis. The thesis’ findings support the claim that when the government is in favor of deradicalization programs, but the public is not, the programs will be weakly implemented with a high likelihood of failure.Show less
Scholars tend to agree that moderation of radical groups stems from inclusionary tactics in the democratic process. However, there is evidence that counterinsurgency measures and exclusion could...Show moreScholars tend to agree that moderation of radical groups stems from inclusionary tactics in the democratic process. However, there is evidence that counterinsurgency measures and exclusion could also facilitate moderation. Therefore, this paper asks: ‘How do foreign counterinsurgency measures facilitate moderation of radical groups?’ The case study of the Lebanese Islamist group Hizballah, the Party of God, will be used to test the theory on collective angst, fear, and survival concerns resulting from counterinsurgency measures. Through a qualitative approach of applying process tracing to primary and secondary sources, this paper finds support for the argument that collective angst as a result of foreign counterinsurgency results in radical groups moderating their ideology.Show less
Migration ethics has its strongest implications on the particularly vulnerable population of undocumented migrants. In philosophy, decolonial conceptions of migration ethics have surfaced as a...Show moreMigration ethics has its strongest implications on the particularly vulnerable population of undocumented migrants. In philosophy, decolonial conceptions of migration ethics have surfaced as a counterargument to the hegemonic canon of migration ethics, with the latter approaches focusing on the extent of a state’s right to regulate its borders and the former approaches undermining this state right to exclusion in order to uplift the rights of the migrant. In legal practice, the theory of the Strasbourg reversal argues that the ECtHR, the judicial human rights body representing the European states of the Global North, has an inclination to side with the state in its rulings, whilst the IACHR, the human rights court representing the Latin American states of the Global South, has a pro-homine bias. This study conducted a discourse analysis of a legal ruling from each court pertaining to undocumented migrants to explore the extent that decision-making in verdicts towards undocumented migrants is influenced by coloniality in migration ethics, through either a hegemonic or decolonial conception of migration ethics. The results show that the ECtHR is influenced by the hegemonic discourse and the IACHR is influenced by the decolonial discourse, although there remains room for even more decolonial radicality.Show less
The purpose of this study was to explore how the local context of host countries shapes the provision of education to refugees. To achieve this aim, a comparative case study of Syrian refugee...Show moreThe purpose of this study was to explore how the local context of host countries shapes the provision of education to refugees. To achieve this aim, a comparative case study of Syrian refugee education in host countries Lebanon and Jordan was undertaken. Resting on the theoretical argument that context inherently matters for outcomes, it was expected that contextual differences between Jordan and Lebanon will have created differences in education for refugee children. Interviews were conducted with experts that have worked at various organizations in either context, in order to corroborate data from document research published by the governments, NGOs, or international organizations. An analysis of these diverse sources produced five contextual factors – political context, economic context, encampment policy, family practices, and cultural proximity – that provide an answer to this study’s research question and further endorse the notion that context inherently matters, and that ‘good practice’ for refugee education is highly contextual. In light of the contextual differences found, and their unique effects on refugee education, it can be said that Jordan and Lebanon should not be grouped together as hastefully as is done by existing scholarship, but should each be treated in their own right instead.Show less
How do populist political achievements impact political party discourse on the issue of immigration? The twenty-first century has seen the rise of populist parties and their countless political...Show moreHow do populist political achievements impact political party discourse on the issue of immigration? The twenty-first century has seen the rise of populist parties and their countless political successes across Europe. Despite this resurging phenomenon, few studies have directly focused on the relationship between these populist party victories and the discourse of traditional party politics. This study conducted a content analysis of the manifestos, speeches, and statements from the Labour and Conservative parties in the United Kingdom. It explored whether the populist victory of Brexit changed the way mainstream parties discussed the topic of immigration. Utilising group threat and framing theory as the basis for the theoretical framework, the results show that following the Brexit referendum both the Conservative and Labour party’s saw a decrease in anti-immigrant sentiments in their political discourse which was reflected in their political frames.Show less
This study addresses the behavior of regionalist parties in Spain as supporters of minority state governments. Focusing on three parties, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, EH Bildu and the Basque...Show moreThis study addresses the behavior of regionalist parties in Spain as supporters of minority state governments. Focusing on three parties, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, EH Bildu and the Basque Nationalist Party, this paper compares and analyzes their behavior in seven votes of the 2019-2023 legislature, looking closely at the exchanges of support and political concessions between the central government and these three parties. From this observation it can be concluded that the pay-offs preferred by the regionalist parties are territorial policy concessions, such as transfers of powers or state investments in these autonomous communities. However, it cannot be concluded that regionalist parties prefer multi-level goods, nor is there a relationship between the degree of regionalist extremism of the parties and their preferred type of territorial concession.Show less
Based on the theory of strategic silence, this paper analyzes the mobilization of social movements in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, following 2022 presidential elections and the unexpected silence of...Show moreBased on the theory of strategic silence, this paper analyzes the mobilization of social movements in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, following 2022 presidential elections and the unexpected silence of President Bolsonaro about his loss. The objective of this paper is to understand the degree to which silence influence collective mobilization. By drawing on social movements theory and political strategic silence theory, this paper creates a theoretical model to test the effects of silence, thus challenging a long existing notion that the effects of silence cannot be studied due to the difficulty in establishing casual links. A qualitative case study allied with semi-structured interviews of 8 protest leaders are used to test the theoretical model and understand the extent to which Bolsonaro’s silence played a part in their decision to mobilize. This paper finds that political strategic silence may increase the likelihood of mobilization when political opportunity, perceived threats and framing are also present.Show less
This thesis analyses the role of political factors in conflict arising from climate change through a single case study of the farmer-herder conflict in Laikipia, Kenya. A better understanding of...Show moreThis thesis analyses the role of political factors in conflict arising from climate change through a single case study of the farmer-herder conflict in Laikipia, Kenya. A better understanding of climate change and conflict is necessary, as there is no clear consensus among scholars. This thesis uses political ecology that states that political factors, such as politicised ethnicity, access to land tenure, and perception of identity have a direct influence on conflict. It criticises the environmental scarcity theory, which states that resource scarcity due to climate change directly influences conflict. Mixed methods are used to analyse the role of political factors. The process tracing method is used to test whether power relations in politics influence conflict and the qualitative content analysis method is used to support process tracing by providing inside into the political factors presented in three major Kenyan newspapers. The results show that perception of identity, access to land tenure, and politicised ethnicity all contribute to a negative impact on the ability of pastoralists to access and influence the distribution of resources. This causes the competition for resources to become violent. The findings also show there is indirect link between climate change and conflict. These findings are in line with political ecology theory. Therefore, this thesis contributes to the theory and discussion in the literature about climate change and conflict.Show less
Why do some rebel groups engage in inclusive forms of rebel governance by including local citizens in political decision-making processes whereas other groups rule more independently and focus on...Show moreWhy do some rebel groups engage in inclusive forms of rebel governance by including local citizens in political decision-making processes whereas other groups rule more independently and focus on little more than security and funding their rebellion? I argue that the level of inclusiveness of civilians in rebel governance depends on the group’s reliance on lootable natural resources. Rebel groups that rely on these resources are less dependent on the civilian population for support and therefore less likely to include them in the governing process. To test this hypothesis, I combine newly available quantitative data on rebel governance with existing data on the presence of natural resources. In doing so, I attempt to bridge the fields of natural resources and rebel governance. The analysis finds no support for the hypothesis, lootable natural resources show to have a positive influence on the level of rebel governance inclusiveness. The findings have implications for both academics and policy makers.Show less
