India's transformation from being a participant in environmental discussions to assuming environmental responsibilities on the global stage has been remarkable. Since endorsing the Paris Agreement,...Show moreIndia's transformation from being a participant in environmental discussions to assuming environmental responsibilities on the global stage has been remarkable. Since endorsing the Paris Agreement, India has exhibited substantial progress in aligning global policies with domestic initiatives. The objective of this thesis is to grasp the determinants behind changes in India's discourse on climate change through an examination of Indian climate politics and textual analysis across different time periods. The research builds on compliance theory and contributes to the study of compliance in climate change discourse in India since the Kyoto Protocol of 1997. The case study presented in this research demonstrates how a shift to a pragmatic diplomatic approach and India’s aspiration to become a globally responsible leader may alter a nation’s behaviour in international environmental negotiations.Show less
The values the Liberal International Order (LIO) professes to uphold in theory, such as the promise of equal treatment, are not always lived up to in practice. In fact, it cannot always live up to...Show moreThe values the Liberal International Order (LIO) professes to uphold in theory, such as the promise of equal treatment, are not always lived up to in practice. In fact, it cannot always live up to this promise. The LIO’s social hierarchy prevents non-Western countries from fully acquiring the recognition they believe they are entitled to, leading them to contest the legitimacy of the LIO. For some countries, the emerging multipolar world presents an alternative option to gain international status and recognition. This thesis uses South Africa as a case study to examine how misrecognition in the LIO motivates countries to join BRICS. The results and analysis indicate that the LIO’s inability, but BRIC’s ability, to promise recognition motivated South Africa to join BRIC. Yet, in assessing the available empirical record, and whether the collective body of evidence can support making an inference that the causal relationship existed in the case of South Africa, this thesis concludes that there is only weak confirmatory evidence.Show less
This thesis aims to examine the pace of European Union enlargement towards two Western Balkan states, Montenegro and Serbia, focusing on the influence of political factors. The thesis will start...Show moreThis thesis aims to examine the pace of European Union enlargement towards two Western Balkan states, Montenegro and Serbia, focusing on the influence of political factors. The thesis will start with an introduction section aimed at providing contextual background of EU enlargement and Western Balkan region. Research question of this thesis is: "How political factors influence the pace of EU enlargement towards Montenegro and Serbia?", and will be introduced in the introduction. Theoretical framework will be supported by Sandra Lavenex's theory of EU external governance, where emphasis will be placed on the concepts of cooperation and integration. Furthermore, based on theoretical framework, two hypotheses will be introduced. Methodologically, the study will adopt qualitative methods, primarily employing process tracing techniques through case analysis and comparative case analysis. The literature review will categorize insights collected from the literature in various themes, including political dynamics and geopolitical complexities, challenges confronting democratic governance, identity dynamics and state-nation relations. Results and analysis section will provide analysis and founded results. Ultimately, this research will aim to provide an understanding of the multifaceted dynamics of EU enlargement towards Montenegro and Serbia.Show less
Partijafsplitsingen, of legislative party switching, is binnen de politicologie een onderwerp waar veel onderzoek naar is gedaan. Desondanks is de context van Nederlandse gemeenteraden nog niet...Show morePartijafsplitsingen, of legislative party switching, is binnen de politicologie een onderwerp waar veel onderzoek naar is gedaan. Desondanks is de context van Nederlandse gemeenteraden nog niet eerder onderzocht, terwijl het fenomeen in de praktijk steeds vaker waargenomen wordt (Abels, 2018; Ketelaar, 2021). Deze studie beoogt een eerste aanzet te zijn voor meer inzicht in factoren en beweegredenen bij afsplitsingen binnen Nederlandse gemeenteraden. In de theoriesectie wordt allereerst de academische literatuur gecombineerd met de specifieke context van Nederlandse gemeenteraden. Hieruit volgen zes verwachtingen, die vervolgens middels een thematische analyse worden getoetst aan acht semi-gestructureerde kwalitatieve interviews met afgesplitste gemeenteraadsleden. De bevindingen suggereren dat er in bijna alle gevallen sprake is van een conflict: interpersoonlijk, ideologisch, of een combinatie van beide. De mogelijkheid tot herverkiezing noemt een enkeling als belangrijke reden, al moet hierbij een kanttekening worden geplaatst wat betreft de representativiteit van de steekproef. Het aantal voorkeursstemmen speelt voor de meeste participanten een grote rol voor de rechtvaardiging van hun keuze tot afsplitsing. Bijzondere rollen, zoals het fractievoorzitterschap, lijken weinig tot geen effect te hebben op partijveranderingen. Tenslotte laat het thema loyaliteit zien dat raadsleden vooral betrokken zijn bij personen binnen de partij, boven de partij als institutie. Daarbij wordt bij dit thema ook duidelijk hoe ingrijpend en emotioneel de gebeurtenis voor deelnemers kan zijn.Show less
Refugees occupy a unique moral and legal position in our communities. Their relationships with their host states are born out of necessity and coloured by their disenfranchisement, as refugees do...Show moreRefugees occupy a unique moral and legal position in our communities. Their relationships with their host states are born out of necessity and coloured by their disenfranchisement, as refugees do not receive democratic participation rights in the same way citizens do. Given that refugees are not allowed to vote, together with their uniquely vulnerable circumstances and the coercive character of the (immigration) laws they are expected to obey, we might wonder what kind of political obligations, if any, they have. As the literature is focused on the rights of refugees, there is insufficient discussion regarding their duties. I will here investigate the political obligations of refugees by examining whether the four main theories of political obligation, consent, gratitude, natural duty, and fair play, can be applied to refugees. I will then discuss a more limited version of political obligations, based on the fair play account specifically, as I discuss a moral basis from which we may better understand both the rights and duties of refugees. Finally, I will discuss the implications of separating such obligations from participation rights, and what this may entail for other migrants and travelers.Show less
This thesis examines the influence the BRICS and the EU have on South African foreign policy, specifically between 2010 and 2023. South Africa and the world have witnessed much change during those...Show moreThis thesis examines the influence the BRICS and the EU have on South African foreign policy, specifically between 2010 and 2023. South Africa and the world have witnessed much change during those 13 years, between the several conflicts that erupted involving some BRICS member-states, revolutions in Africa, and the work that led up to the expansion of the BRICS into the BRICS+ format in 2024. Including a discussion on formal and informal IGOs, this study uses a constructivist theoretical framework and discourse analysis to examine South African foreign policy annual reports, BRICS joint statements, EU-AU joint declarations, and EU-South Africa joint declarations. It finds that South Africa’s foreign policy is influenced by the BRICS and the EU through two main pillars of its foreign policy, but in different manners, yet relating to the central theme of the multilateral system, particularly the UN.Show less
The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have been criticized for being ‘too ambitious’ and ‘ambiguous’ (Lim, Jørgensen, Wyborn, 2018 ; Hák, Janoušková, Moldan, 2016). The failing of the SDGs is...Show moreThe Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have been criticized for being ‘too ambitious’ and ‘ambiguous’ (Lim, Jørgensen, Wyborn, 2018 ; Hák, Janoušková, Moldan, 2016). The failing of the SDGs is globally visible. This study will focus on the ineffective SDG implementation in western Europe. Specifically, western European countries are ‘political entrepreneurs’ being regarded as capable of adequately addressing global challenges (Silander 2019 ; Silander 2020 ; Mintrom 2020). However, the failing of the SDGs causes reputational damage to their title as policy entrepreneur. Rhetorical legitimation theory has argued that legitimacy conveys in texts produced by organizations (Halliday, Block-Lieb, Carruthers 2010). This study therefore aims to answer the following research question: What has been the role of Western-European states as policy entrepreneurs in the legitimation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)? A total of 12 Voluntary National Reviews (VNRs) will be examined through discourse analysis to interpret the rhetoric applied in the VNRs given the social context in which they originated. This thesis will argue that western European countries have played an active role in legitimizing the SDGs. Nevertheless, the position western European states took in the process has shifted, simultaneously with the social context, over time.Show less
In the quest for natural resources, indigenous and underdeveloped communities are often sacrificed as states turn their interests toward bolstering their economies. The Human Rights Council (HRC)...Show moreIn the quest for natural resources, indigenous and underdeveloped communities are often sacrificed as states turn their interests toward bolstering their economies. The Human Rights Council (HRC) of the United Nations stands at the forefront of championing human rights and operates as both norm maker and primary monitor of human rights standards. By using institutionalism as a framework, this thesis considers the robustness of the HRC and seeks to understand its effect in protecting local communities in underdeveloped states subjected to often arguably unfair land grab deals. Through discourse analysis, the research delves into the language, narratives, and discursive strategies deployed within text and content produced by the HRC. Through comparative analysis that considers the two sample cases of Myanmar and Cambodia, the research considers under what conditions the HRC successfully contributes to the protection of these vulnerable communities.Show less
This study investigates the dual developments of Rwanda’s political and economic evolutions over the last 24 years, under Kagame’s presidency. A closer look is taken at the conditions and processes...Show moreThis study investigates the dual developments of Rwanda’s political and economic evolutions over the last 24 years, under Kagame’s presidency. A closer look is taken at the conditions and processes which have led to the current state of high economic growth, while lacking democratic rights and freedoms. Expanding upon the work of previous scholars, theories on both democracies and economics are used to answer the posed research question by means of theory-testing process testing. The latter include Foreign Direct Investments (FDI). The result of this research expands upon the body of research, focused on the current, rapidly progressing developments in Africa which has gained more international attention due to its recent rapid economic developments.Show less
This thesis aims to address the absence of a comprehensive bilateral cooperation framework between the US and Mexico in the field of migration. Despite the enduring significance of human mobility...Show moreThis thesis aims to address the absence of a comprehensive bilateral cooperation framework between the US and Mexico in the field of migration. Despite the enduring significance of human mobility between the two countries and the existence of converging interests, efforts to negotiate a migration agreement remain limited. Recognising the prevailing US-centric approach in the existing literature on the topic, this thesis shifts the focus to Mexican policy preferences, exploring their role in contributing to the absence of an all-encompassing cooperative migration framework. To do so, an “intermestic” approach is adopted to account for both domestic and international influences in shaping Mexico’s policy preferences. Through interviews with high-ranking Mexican diplomats, this study found that electoral and institutional dynamics, along with geopolitical considerations, contribute to the absence of a migration deal with the US. Indeed, the complex, multifaceted, and “intermestic” nature of Mexican policy preferences exacerbates difficulties in identifying a coordination point agreeable to both countries, resulting in a Coordination Dilemma, which prevents the establishment of a bilateral deal for migration management.Show less
This thesis is focused on the crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border of 2021 during which thousands of migrants tried to illegally enter Poland. It highlights the county’s unique response to the...Show moreThis thesis is focused on the crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border of 2021 during which thousands of migrants tried to illegally enter Poland. It highlights the county’s unique response to the crisis, including its decision not to involve Frontex, and poses a research question regarding what process led to this decision. To answer this inquiry, this thesis conducts an explaining outcome process tracing study, utilizing theories of Rational Choice and Securitization. The analysis proves the hypotheses, linking the Law and Justice party’s decision to the tension between them and the EU regarding migration policy, subsequently emphasizing independence from and growing military resources. Overall, it sheds light on the multifaceted nature of migration issues in contemporary Europe and the various political and institutional factors at play.Show less
This thesis investigates the striking disparity in the prevalence of alcohol use disorders (AUDs) between Hungary and Romania, despite similar levels of alcohol consumption. With 21,2% of the total...Show moreThis thesis investigates the striking disparity in the prevalence of alcohol use disorders (AUDs) between Hungary and Romania, despite similar levels of alcohol consumption. With 21,2% of the total population having alcohol use disorders, Hungary has the highest prevalence in all of Europe, whereas in Romania it is only 2,8%. This cross-case study delves into the various environmental factors influencing AUDs, such as economic development, early drinking, family, social and cultural norms, additional elements and alcohol control policies drawing on the body of academic literature, data sources as well as empirical evidence. With the usage of the World Health Organization's (WHO) "best buy" alcohol control policies, this research employs a most similar system design to evaluate the effectiveness of these alcohol control measures in Hungary and Romania. Findings indicate that while both nations have similar regulations and restrictions regarding availability and pricing, the regulations on the advertisement and product placements on alcohol are more stringent in Romania. This thesis emphasises the necessity of international organizations in offering guidelines and policy recommendations for tackling the harmful use of alcohol and consequently alcohol use disorders.Show less
How does economic development aid affect conflict intensity in minor civil conflicts? Previous research has found that economic development aid in civil wars can effectively reduce conflict...Show moreHow does economic development aid affect conflict intensity in minor civil conflicts? Previous research has found that economic development aid in civil wars can effectively reduce conflict intensity. It does so either directly by incentivising the population to cooperate with the government or indirectly by raising the opportunity costs of joining an insurgency. I propose that the same holds for minor civil conflicts. Due to insurgent groups’ weakness vis-à-vis the government, I argue that development aid in minor conflicts will have a greater substantive effect than in civil wars. Using data on 59 aid projects in federal states across Ethiopia, Mali, and Nigeria, I show that regions receiving development aid experience less violence than those without aid projects in regions under government control. However, an increase in development projects within these regions is associated with an increase in conflict intensity. In regions under insurgent territorial control, development aid substantially increases conflict intensity.Show less
Democracy in Latin America is under extraordinary strain because of polarization. This thesis aims to investigate the drivers of party polarization, focusing on electoral volatility in 18 Latin...Show moreDemocracy in Latin America is under extraordinary strain because of polarization. This thesis aims to investigate the drivers of party polarization, focusing on electoral volatility in 18 Latin American countries from 1993-2018. Extant studies suggest that volatility influences polarization by incentivizing parties to adopt polarizing strategies to secure electoral survival. However, these studies suffer from methodological and theoretical drawbacks that I seek to overcome. By utilizing the Latin American Electoral Volatility Dataset (LAEVD), this thesis employs a more precise measure of polarization, particularly in assessing elite-driven polarization, while accounting for within-system volatility (votes transferred between existing parties), extra-system volatility (new party vote share), and additional control variables. Moreover, the theoretical underpinnings will be critically assessed and further developed, especially regarding new party entry. My results diverge from previous studies suggesting that Latin American democracies become more polarized as they age due to the entry of new (radical) parties. This reflects the persistent struggle for party systems in the region to institutionalize. As several countries have suffered pernicious consequences of polarization in recent years, avoiding democracy’s demise in Latin America requires sustainable party building to solidify electoral competition and regain citizens’ trust in democratic institutions.Show less
What are the implications of recognising ethnic groups and granting them specific rights for peace? This thesis examines the ongoing debate on ethnic recognition, highlighting that while it can...Show moreWhat are the implications of recognising ethnic groups and granting them specific rights for peace? This thesis examines the ongoing debate on ethnic recognition, highlighting that while it can address minority exclusion and foster trust, it may also institutionalise ethnic cleavages and promote antagonism. To assess its effects across different institutional and political contexts, the study further focuses on ethnic party bans as crucial institutions that complicate the relationship between ethnic recognition and peace. It is argued that these bans promote political inclusion of minority groups in situations where the state has implemented ethnic recognition, and prevent the politicisation of ethnicity where the state does recognise ethnic groups. Additionally, it introduces an improved operationalization of ethnic recognition, assessing its implementation across various governance domains in constitutions and peace agreements. Using panel data and Difference-in-Differences models, the study finds that ethnic recognition generally promotes peace, particularly in countries with ethnic party bans. However, it also reveals that ethnic recognition can undermine peace in the short term, increasing political violence in countries without prior ethnic conflicts.Show less
This thesis explores the dynamics of cooperation and alliance formation in the post-Cold War era, with a focus on how emerging powers within the Global South pick their allies. The study centres on...Show moreThis thesis explores the dynamics of cooperation and alliance formation in the post-Cold War era, with a focus on how emerging powers within the Global South pick their allies. The study centres on the alignment theory, which argues that internal state factors, specifically the personal interests of state leaders, are significant in alignment choices. This theory contrasts with traditional realist approaches that emphasize external threats and state security as primary motivators. Conducting a single case study of South Africa's ascension to the BRIC bloc in 2010 under president Jacob Zuma, this thesis employs theory-testing process tracing to examine the hypothesized causal mechanism where personal interests of Zuma eventually led to the ascension of South Africa to BRIC. The findings suggest that Zuma's personal motivations and corrupt practices significantly directed South Africa’s foreign policy and alignment choices, resulting in its alignment with BRIC. This challenges the conventional notion that state strategies in Global South contexts are predominantly shaped by geopolitical, security related, or identity driven considerations.Show less
