This study examines the relationship between domestic constraints and the implementation of international agreements by concentrating on the process of ratification. Specifically, I empirically...Show moreThis study examines the relationship between domestic constraints and the implementation of international agreements by concentrating on the process of ratification. Specifically, I empirically focus on the case of German defection and the NATO mission to Libya. Since the main theories of international cooperation lacked the focus on domestic factors, this study tests the role of five domestic factors. However, with respect to their relative influence, I argue that domestic constraints are influenced themselves by (historical) narratives and prominent political elites.Show less
Whether the state can, even in theory, be legitimate was brought into question by Robert Paul Wolff’s “In Defense of Anarchy” (1970). Wolff argued for the illegitimacy of the state based on the...Show moreWhether the state can, even in theory, be legitimate was brought into question by Robert Paul Wolff’s “In Defense of Anarchy” (1970). Wolff argued for the illegitimacy of the state based on the incompatibility of practical authority and autonomy. This thesis aims to refute this claim of state illegitimacy by building on and adjusting Raz’s revision of authority, as put forward in “Morality of Freedom” (1986), to show that practical authority can in fact be compatible with moral and personal autonomy. It is hoped that this thesis can show by an a priori argument that there can be forms of human community in which some men have the moral right to rule (legitimate practical authority) even if their realization is highly unlikely.Show less
This paper is to illuminate the social significance of positional goods and to assess the desirability of equality of these goods. I begin with a characterization of strict and moderate...Show moreThis paper is to illuminate the social significance of positional goods and to assess the desirability of equality of these goods. I begin with a characterization of strict and moderate egalitarianism and their implications about equality; and I discuss the leveling down principle as well as its objection. Further, I turn to the issue of positionality and non-positionality; define positional goods; clarify the distinction between positional goods with non-positional aspect and non-positional goods with positional aspect; and demonstrate what a notable case equality (and leveling down) of positional goods is in the field of political philosophy and economics. I then proceed to an elaborate discussion about the desirability of equality of positional goods. I conclude that equality of these goods is not desirable and defend this claim on three egalitarian grounds: (1) non-positionality; (2) social growth; and (3) fair competition.Show less
In this thesis I have defended the claim that a state which is neutral about the different conceptions of the good in society, cannot guarantee the personal autonomy of its citizens.
This research tries to scrutinize the influence of pro-migration interest group arguments towards the immigration policy of the European Union. As a case study the influence of different kinds of...Show moreThis research tries to scrutinize the influence of pro-migration interest group arguments towards the immigration policy of the European Union. As a case study the influence of different kinds of arguments of pro-migration interest groups used as an answer on a public consultation about the Common European Asylum System in 2007 is chosen to investigate. Via a documentary analyses the influence between human rights-based arguments and cost arguments were tried measured. This was not possible, because the pro-migration interest groups almost only made human rights-based arguments. There is though evidence found that suggest that the Commission copied mainly recommendations that were in line with the aims that the Commission stated in the Green Paper. This seems to suggest that the Green Paper is an agenda-setting power tool that diminishes the amount of influence that pro-migration interest groups can have on the European immigration policy.Show less
Regional integration is on the political agenda in all parts of the world. During the time of post-colonial development and liberation struggles, Southern Africa saw its share of attempts at closer...Show moreRegional integration is on the political agenda in all parts of the world. During the time of post-colonial development and liberation struggles, Southern Africa saw its share of attempts at closer economic and political ties between states within the region. Today, the dominant regional organization in Southern Africa is the Southern African Development Community. Many regional organizations in the developing world, including SADC, explicitly state that a large part of the regional integration project is towards a goal of attracting an increase in foreign direct investment. The ability to attract FDI is based on various factors; covering many of these is the combined level of perceived political risk. Economic and political instability, social unrest, ethnic and military conflict, corruption in government, the threat of expropriation and breaches of contract; political risk is a multi-faceted concept. The thesis identifies what types of political risks are prevalent in the Southern African region. The research focus addresses what SADC as a regional actor has contributed towards lowering the levels of political risk in specific countries and parts of the region. The thesis demonstrates that as theoretical assumptions and empirical evidence argue that regional integration is positive for the ability to attract FDI, Southern African countries face many obstacles on the way towards a fully integrated economic community. Meanwhile, the prospects for peace and security in the region are better at present than twenty years ago. The establishment and maintenance of legal, security and financial frameworks that would add to securing the interests of both the foreign investors and the host country and government are often lacking. Furthermore, the implementation of regional institutions have been hampered by various factors, including the member states’ own interests and a general unwillingness towards ceding sovereignty to transnational institutions . The role of South Africa as a regional hegemon and key policy-maker within SADC is discussed in order to further examine the regional dynamics in Southern Africa.Show less
There are a number of entities such as Abkhazia, Taiwan, Somaliland, East Timor, to name a few, that are all secessionist de facto independent states. However, they are treated differently by the...Show moreThere are a number of entities such as Abkhazia, Taiwan, Somaliland, East Timor, to name a few, that are all secessionist de facto independent states. However, they are treated differently by the international community, and external recognition was only granted for East Timor. As long as the pattern behind the selective recognition of new states is unclear and while ongoing secessionist conflicts persist around the world, this thesis aims to answer the following question: what are the main factors behind the external recognition of newly created states? In other words, why are some secessionist states externally recognized while others are not? It is argued here that there is not one specific factor that leads to external recognition; rather, there is a set of factors that together explain selective recognition of secessionist states. In order to answer the research question and to define this set of factors qualitative comparative analysis is used in this work.Show less
Do we have a moral right to privacy? If so, what do we mean by it? Notions of privacy and the right thereof are highly contested issues in contemporary liberal philosophy. According to the greatest...Show moreDo we have a moral right to privacy? If so, what do we mean by it? Notions of privacy and the right thereof are highly contested issues in contemporary liberal philosophy. According to the greatest critic of privacy theory, Judith Thomson, there is no such thing as a fundamental right to privacy. Violations of privacy can be dealt with without reference to the right to privacy, she claims. This thesis provides arguments against her short-sided view on privacy, including arguments from William Parent. He advocates a minimalist conception of the right to privacy, centered around the notion of personal information. The modern conception of privacy, formulated in this thesis, continues on the work of Thomson and Parent, thereby refining some elements of Parent’s theory of informational privacy.Show less
