In order to investigate the influence of voice pitch and facial dominance on voting behaviour and leadership perceptions, an experiment including 180 Dutch adults was conducted containing a 2*3...Show moreIn order to investigate the influence of voice pitch and facial dominance on voting behaviour and leadership perceptions, an experiment including 180 Dutch adults was conducted containing a 2*3 factorial design. The participants were exposed to a normal and manipulated picture of Jan-peter Balkenende, the former Dutch prime-minister. Respondents were also exposed to a manipulated version of his voice in which the voice pitch had been lowered by 20 herz. The respondents seemed unaware of the picture and voice pitch manipulations as the respondents exposed to the manipulations noted to be just as familiar with the person displayed on the picture as respondents in the control group. However, the manipulations did not have the effect that was expected based on previous studies, the experiment largely showed the subtle nature of these effects on leadership perceptions and voting behaviour. The findings in this study indicate the limited influence of voice pitch and facial dominance on voting behaviour and perceptions of a well known leader's dominance, honesty and power.Show less
Internet use by voters and representatives in the United Kingdom is thought to provide a number of democratic benefits such as increased participation, heightened political deliberation and reduced...Show moreInternet use by voters and representatives in the United Kingdom is thought to provide a number of democratic benefits such as increased participation, heightened political deliberation and reduced distance between the political elite and mass. Furthermore, the use of online technologies allows British citizens to communicate faster, easier and more conveniently than ever before with, with social networking sites allowing real-time interaction overcoming geographical and time constraints. There is limited research looking at the use of online communication by Member of Parliaments (MP) in their constituency role, which is surprising as the constituency responsibility of an MP has become of increasing importance in the last 50 years due social and political changes including heightened demands from citizens. Using an original field experiment, this thesis tests which method of communication is the most effective for constituents to use when contacting their local MP, with specific interest in their adoption and use of the social networking site Twitter. The research finds that the majority of MPs have a Twitter account; however theses Members tend to be young, on the left of the political spectrum and reside in marginal constituencies. Members do not appear to be using Twitter to correspond with constituents, although it is the fastest of the tools tested. Email had both the highest response rate and is most likely to provide the constituent with the information they requested, and is therefore the most effective medium for MP-constituent communication.Show less
Wat zijn de belangrijkste predictoren van de stemintentie bij Tweede Kamerverkiezingen van Hindoestaanse jongeren in Nederland? Om een antwoord op deze vraag te vinden heb ik een kwantitatief...Show moreWat zijn de belangrijkste predictoren van de stemintentie bij Tweede Kamerverkiezingen van Hindoestaanse jongeren in Nederland? Om een antwoord op deze vraag te vinden heb ik een kwantitatief onderzoek uitgevoerd onder Hindoestaanse jongeren in de leeftijd van 14-19 jaar die in Nederland wonen. Niet-Hindoestaanse jongeren in Nederland zijn in het onderzoek betrokken als vergelijkingsgroep. Het wetenschappelijk kader is een combinatie van de volgende drie theorieën: rational choice theory, resource availability theory en political socialization theory. De vragenlijst is via een websurvey (in Qualtrics) of op papier ingevuld. De steekproef omvatte 177 Hindoestaanse en 178 niet-Hindoestaanse respondenten die de vragenlijst volledig hebben ingevuld. Meer Hindoestaanse dan niet-Hindoestaanse jongeren hebben de intentie tot stemmen (76% respectievelijk 71%). Minder Hindoestaanse dan niet-Hindoestaanse jongeren geven aan waarschijnlijk niet of zeker niet te gaan stemmen (24% respectievelijk 29%). Subjectieve politieke kennis blijkt de belangrijkste predictor voor de stemintentie van de Hindoestaanse respondenten te zijn. De variantie in stemintentie van deze groep kon voor 24% worden ‘verklaard’. Voor de niet-Hindoestaanse respondenten geldt dat gepercipieerde stemintentie van de omgeving de belangrijkste predictor van stemintentie is. Maar voor deze groep respondenten zijn ook subjectieve politieke kennis en politieke interesse mede bepalend voor stemintentie. De verklaarde variantie in stemintentie van deze groep respondenten is 52%. Mijn onderzoeksresultaten bieden nieuwe inzichten in de variabelen met betrekking tot stemintentie van Hindoestanen die in Nederland wonen en waarnaar tot nu toe weinig onderzoek is verricht. De maatschappelijke relevantie is dat de Hindoestaanse gemeenschap via dit onderzoek inzicht krijgt om instrumenten te ontwikkelen om de stemintentie van Hindoestaanse jongeren te vergroten.Show less
My study focused on knowledge about the EU. It was my aim to explain the variance in this knowledge among Europeans and to answer the question: What explains the variance in the knowledge about...Show moreMy study focused on knowledge about the EU. It was my aim to explain the variance in this knowledge among Europeans and to answer the question: What explains the variance in the knowledge about European Union among European citizens?Show less
