The (hypothetical) deployment of Lethal Autonomous Weapons (LAWs) challenges the way in which we conceptualize moral responsibility. The emergence of LAWs have added an autonomously acting non...Show moreThe (hypothetical) deployment of Lethal Autonomous Weapons (LAWs) challenges the way in which we conceptualize moral responsibility. The emergence of LAWs have added an autonomously acting non-human entity to a moral responsibility framework which is inextricably linked to human nature and moral capacity, which LAWs neither have nor possess. This leaves open a responsibility gap in which it becomes unclear who exactly is responsible for the outcome of the decisions made by LAWs. Although several solutions have been proposed to solve the gap, such as the concept of meaningful control or role-specific responsibility, I find that they cannot sufficiently address the responsibility gap. The concept of meaningful human control is inadequate for the complex and chaotic environment of warfare, particularly when introducing powerful weapons that push the boundaries of human capability. While role-responsibility considers the collective nature of the military and the entire chain of command, it faces challenges in accounting for the problem of many hands and the emergent behavior of autonomous weapons that cannot be directly attributed to a specific part of the system or individual. Especially in a value-loaded and ethically charged environment such as war, where choices regarding life or death are a routine matter, there is no room for obscured responsibility. Without proper responsibility, one cannot justify the introduction of LAWs onto the battlefield.Show less
Although social media has revolutionized how we learn, form opinions, and have conversations, it also has the potential to undermine democracy. Due to the rise of social media and digital media,...Show moreAlthough social media has revolutionized how we learn, form opinions, and have conversations, it also has the potential to undermine democracy. Due to the rise of social media and digital media, political polarization online has sharply increased, with even elected officials and members of the political elite class also engaging in divisive propaganda and false information. This study, through a Twitter analysis, explores the impact of political polarization on citizens' beliefs in their democratic institutions, electoral systems, and government. This research applies relevant but underappreciated theories like the legitimacy theory and the homophily theory to understand how democracy and the internet interact.Show less
The post pandemic (COVID-19) world has been significantly different from the pre pandemic one. As the world embarks on creating and adjusting to a new normal it is important to acknowledge that the...Show moreThe post pandemic (COVID-19) world has been significantly different from the pre pandemic one. As the world embarks on creating and adjusting to a new normal it is important to acknowledge that the duration of the pandemic saw not only a public health crisis but also a political one. The body of literature provides a rich understanding of digital repression and its various dimensions. However, there is a gap in understanding digital repression in the context of public health emergency, particularly in democracies. The COVID-19 pandemic witnessed the convergence of a public health emergency and a political crisis, with significant implications for digital repression. This study aims to fill this gap by examining the intensification of digital repression in democracies during public health emergency, contributing to a broader understanding of the intersection between digital repression, emergency situations, and democratic governance. The academic and social relevance of this study lies in its potential to inform policy and decision-making during future public health emergencies. Additionally, this study contributes to a broader understanding of the impact of digital technologies on democratic values, human rights, and governance in the digital age. The findings conclude that the states tend to amplify digital repression during public health emergency situations.Show less
Er is in de (inter)nationale literatuur al veel onderzoek gedaan naar coalitievorming. Deze spitst zich voornamelijk toe op nationale overheden. Dit onderzoek richt zich op een schaars onderzocht...Show moreEr is in de (inter)nationale literatuur al veel onderzoek gedaan naar coalitievorming. Deze spitst zich voornamelijk toe op nationale overheden. Dit onderzoek richt zich op een schaars onderzocht fenomeen: de formatieperiode in gemeenten. Iedere vier jaar wordt een nieuwe gemeenteraad gekozen in de ruim 340 gemeenten in Nederland. Tegenwoordig kiest bijna de helft van de gemeenten voor een externe formateur ter begeleiding van de coalitievorming. Daarom is in dit onderzoek aan de hand van acht semigestructureerde interviews onderzocht welke factoren formateurs overwegen wanneer zij partijen uitnodigen voor coalitiegesprekken. Hierbij is gekeken naar verschillende door de literatuur aangedragen factoren, zoals hoe de onderhandelende partijen zich politiek verhouden, hoe de partijen willen samenwerken, welke rol het verleden en ervaring speelt en welke rol persoonlijke verhoudingen spelen. Uit het onderzoek is een aantal interessante bevindingen gekomen. Zo blijkt dat naast inhoudelijke verschillen persoonlijke verhoudingen en ervaringen een cruciale rol spelen in de formatiestrategie van formateurs. Daarnaast blijkt dat de theorie met betrekking tot nationale coalitievorming goed toepasbaar is op gemeenten.Show less
In conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to...Show moreIn conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to explain civilian victimisation through food security. However, the effect of crop pests and diseases on violence against civilians has not been studied, despite the large proportion of worldwide crop loss caused by these factors. This study theorises that these pests pressure the local food supply and thus force armed groups to use violence in order to obtain their necessary resources from the local population. This results in the hypothesis that the occurrence of plant pests in an area increases the risk of violence against civilians by non-state actors. Specifically, this study focuses on the effects of locust swarms in four African countries: Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya. The hypothesis is quantitatively tested using both OLS regression and negative binomial regression. A positive correlation between locust swarm occurrence and violence against civilians is found, which holds up against both fixed effects and specific control variables. This new finding suggests that the occurrence of locust swarms shortens the time horizons for cooperation between rebels and the local population, incentivising rebels to quickly gain resources using violence rather than engaging in long-term, more peaceful cooperation.Show less
Research typically stresses the repressive component of authoritarian states-civil society relations, but the role of concessions in these relations is still under-studied. As such, these analyses...Show moreResearch typically stresses the repressive component of authoritarian states-civil society relations, but the role of concessions in these relations is still under-studied. As such, these analyses do not consider a broader spectrum of dynamics and overlook that authoritarian state relations with civil society often combine coercive and cooperative elements. Seeking to answer the question of what drives authoritarian rulers to give concessions to civil society, this research concludes that perceived country-level threats motivate state concessions to civil society organisations working alongside state objectives of national stability and social cohesion. Focusing on present-day China, this study uses congruence analysis to test its conclusions against those anticipated by the hypothesis. The results contest theories that assume the relationship between authoritarian rulers and their citizens as unidirectional and expand on the literature on “consultative authoritarianism.” In providing a broader understanding of these relations, this research also hopes to help equip democratic leaders looking to foster the growth of civil society in authoritarian nations with the knowledge that is helpful to formulate more context-appropriate and effective foreign policy goals and behaviour.Show less
Minority representation is a hot topic in U.S. politics. This paper will explore the effects of racial redistricting on minority representation by focusing on the Black and Hispanic minority in the...Show moreMinority representation is a hot topic in U.S. politics. This paper will explore the effects of racial redistricting on minority representation by focusing on the Black and Hispanic minority in the United States. Using quantitative analysis, this paper will use nationwide data on electoral districts and their representatives in the House of Representatives to test four hypotheses. It will underline the importance of majority-minority districts to ensure equal representation for minority groups.Show less
The European Union is often considered a powerful force in democracy promotion in its neighbourhood, widely being credited with the successful democratisation of many Central and Eastern European...Show moreThe European Union is often considered a powerful force in democracy promotion in its neighbourhood, widely being credited with the successful democratisation of many Central and Eastern European countries (Dimitrova & Pridhram, 2004; Pop-Eleches, 2007; Schimmelfennig, 2007). It is all the more puzzling therefore that this successful push for democratisation has not materialised in the Western Balkans, where many countries, despite their status as candidate member states of the union, have experienced prolonged periods of democratic backsliding (Castaldo, 2020, 1633). Why is the EU’s strategy to promote democratic performance failing here? Several researchers have pointed towards the EU’s own policy agenda as an important contributor to the decrease in democratic performance (Huszka, 2018, 361; Castaldo, 2020, 1633). This thesis set out to contribute to these studies by analysing the effects of an EU-sponsored media reform in Serbia that has been accused of decreasing media freedom in the country (Freedom House, 2016; Huszka, 2018, 361; Castaldo, 2020, 1630-1631). Through a mixed quantitative and qualitative content analysis, it aimed to answer the question: how has the EU-sponsored media strategy impacted progovernment bias in the Serbian media? It found that pro-government bias in the media was not significantly affect by the media strategy.Show less
Contemporary European politics has seen a surge of new political parties successfully gaining political representation across the national parliaments. However, many disintegrate soon after...Show moreContemporary European politics has seen a surge of new political parties successfully gaining political representation across the national parliaments. However, many disintegrate soon after recording their parliamentary breakthrough, but some manage to survive and establish themselves in their party systems. What can explain these contrasting fates? First, a brief review of the available literature on the topic is presented and various theories are examined, which leads to the specification of the research question: “Does the homogeneity of party elites’ social backgrounds increase the likelihood of new party survival?” This thesis aims to contribute to the empirical research on the survival of new parties and answer the research question using a qualitative analysis of an extensive dataset of party elites’ social backgrounds in five new political parties in Slovakia. The research did not find compelling evidence to support the hypothesis that the homogeneity of party elites’ social backgrounds increases the likelihood of new party survival. The thesis concludes by discussing the reasons for this, explores alternative explanations, addresses its limitations and identifies areas for further research.Show less
This study examines the impact of African Youth Activists (AYAs) at last year's Conference of the Parties (COP27). Despite being disproportionately affected by climate change, marginalized groups,...Show moreThis study examines the impact of African Youth Activists (AYAs) at last year's Conference of the Parties (COP27). Despite being disproportionately affected by climate change, marginalized groups, such as AYAs, often face challenges in having their voices adequately heard due to underlying structures that favor countries and non-governmental organizations from the Global North. The Political Opportunity Structure can be used to examine whether AYAs have opportunities to make a difference in a system. This involves evaluating whether there are entry points for new actors to enter the political process and whether the existing mechanisms within the system effectively accommodate and integrate new perspectives. To explore this, the study conducted 12 semi-structured interviews with AYAs to investigate how the existing power relations at COP impact their participation. The perception of AYAs on power relations and their opportunities for intervention provide insights into their reality and how they navigate the structural aspects of the political process. The findings of this research can be used to find places to intervene in the UNFCCC- system and improve activists' work at COPs in the future.Show less
Political participation is typically associated with conventional forms of participation, but in recent years academics have been increasingly interested in unconventional political participation...Show morePolitical participation is typically associated with conventional forms of participation, but in recent years academics have been increasingly interested in unconventional political participation due to declining turnout rates across European democracies. Unconventional forms of participation in politics are quite freely practiced in democratic countries, however, it remains unclear which factors influence unconventional modes of participation in non- democratic countries. The aim of this thesis is to examine the individual and context-level factors that may influence the patterns of unconventional political participation in Turkey. For this purpose, drawing on the civic voluntarism model and the political opportunity structure as the theoretical backbone of the study, regression analyses are conducted using World Values Surveys for the years 1996, 2001, 2007, 2011, and 2018 to see how the impact of various individual-level variables and the rule of law index changes over time. The findings indicate that more educated and politically interested citizens as well as members of civil society organizations have a greater likelihood to engage in unconventional political participation.Show less
Groups working within the same contested issue-area often make different claims although they are working within the same cause. This research explores this phenomenon by comparing two Palestinian...Show moreGroups working within the same contested issue-area often make different claims although they are working within the same cause. This research explores this phenomenon by comparing two Palestinian rights advocacy groups in the Netherlands and explaining their claim-making strategies through the framework of political context which is measured in terms of institutional access, alliance structure, and conflict structure. This case is chosen as it examines a contested issue within a political environment that has historically proven to be hostile towards it. This study argues that the political context of a group plays a key role in determining whether they employ an inside- oriented or outside-oriented claim-making strategy. Through a qualitative comparative analysis, this research has demonstrated that, with consideration to other possible explanations, differing political contexts lead to divergent claim-making strategies for advocacy groups despite their similar characteristics. Additionally, while the political context shapes the claim-making strategy, this does not diminish group agency.Show less