Seeking to more profoundly understand the nexus between race and class in Brazil, and comprehend its implications for political consciousness, this thesis centres the question: “How is political...Show moreSeeking to more profoundly understand the nexus between race and class in Brazil, and comprehend its implications for political consciousness, this thesis centres the question: “How is political consciousness of Afro-Brazilian emancipation movements informed by class interests?” In this capacity, class interests are interpreted as racialised consciousness, derived from the neo- Marxist theory of racialisation, a lens that figures prominently in this study. Remaining open to alternative explanations, through exploring discourse of Afro-Brazilian movement Black Coalition for Rights, this study concludes that two forms of consciousness theoretically assumed to be different are both built on similar premises that recognise the role of capitalist structures in processes of racialisation.Show less
Sexual violence against girls and women in times of conflict is a widespread and devastating human rights violation worldwide. With this issue increasingly recognized as an international security...Show moreSexual violence against girls and women in times of conflict is a widespread and devastating human rights violation worldwide. With this issue increasingly recognized as an international security issue, the international community has begun to take steps to address it. Yet, despite a large number of measures implemented by the United Nations (UN), conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) persists. This thesis explores the UN’s ineffectiveness in combating CRSV. Drawing on a comparative case study of the Iraq war and the South Sudan conflict, this paper seeks to understand how the UN’s legitimacy and resources may be at the root of this ineffectiveness. The results of this research contribute to a better understanding of the complexities of sexual and gender-based violence in different conflict contexts, and provide insight into strategies to strengthen the UN’s capacity to prevent and respond to these violations of human rights.Show less
The existing academic literature explores the causal relationship between ethnic cleavage and the outbreak of war, with a particular emphasis on repression, resistance, and identity. While scholars...Show moreThe existing academic literature explores the causal relationship between ethnic cleavage and the outbreak of war, with a particular emphasis on repression, resistance, and identity. While scholars recognize the importance of these concepts, they typically examine two distinct areas: the interaction between repression and resistance, and the isolated analysis of identity. This compartmentalized approach overlooks the interplay between these concepts and their combined impact on the path to war. The dissertation addresses this gap by testing the theory of the nexus of repression, resistance, and identity in the case of Kosovo from 1981 to 1998. To explore this relationship, the study integrates data from secondary sources, semi-structured interviews with individuals involved in the activities leading up to the Kosovo War, and archival material.Show less
The consistent implementation of debt trap diplomacy by China has become an important instrument in the superpower’s quest for further worldwide dominance and power. This paper examines how the...Show moreThe consistent implementation of debt trap diplomacy by China has become an important instrument in the superpower’s quest for further worldwide dominance and power. This paper examines how the nation’s debt trap diplomacy has helped it consolidate its position within the global order by offering insights gathered from a case study of the small east African country of Djibouti. Due to its helpful marine connections and strategic location at the intersection of Africa, the Middle East and Asia, Djibouti has been a focal point in the field of geopolitics. Building ports, railroads, and military facilities are only a few examples of the infrastructure development projects that have dominated China's relationship with the nation. China's debt trap diplomacy in the region is based on the substantial loans that its government and state-owned banks have provided to fund these projects. The involvement in Djibouti is an example of China’s larger gameplan meant to increase its power and influence in the international system. The eastern power’s use of its economic might to fund infrastructure projects and give easy loans effectively confines small countries like Djibouti within its area of influence. As a result, China's position as a major actor in world events is strengthened, further eroding the conventional power structures set up by Western countries.Show less
The dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving...Show moreThe dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving away from powers like France and Germany towards countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The aforementioned transition was precipitated, among other factors, by the Ukrainian-Russian conflict, which has significantly impacted geopolitical terrain. Poland, a nation with significant economic and military prowess and a sizable population, is positioning itself as a key player aiming to rebalance power dynamics in favor of Central and Eastern European member states that have historically been marginalized. This study seeks to answer the question concerning the presence of a power shift within the European Union, and to identify the fundamental causes driving this change.Show less
The rise of populism within the European Union (EU) threatens the protection of human rights, including gender-equality. Although several studies tried to explain the effect of populism on gender...Show moreThe rise of populism within the European Union (EU) threatens the protection of human rights, including gender-equality. Although several studies tried to explain the effect of populism on gender-equality, they do so by using case study analyses focusing mainly on populist rhetoric. To deepen the understanding of previous research, this study reanalyzes the effect of populism on gender-equality. I add to the existing literature by taking a quantitative approach studying the effect of right-wing populism on gender-equality within the EU. Using an Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis, I combine several datasets to explore the relationship between 2010 and 2021 within all EU member states. I hypothesize that countries which contain a higher share of right-wing populist posts as part of the total cabinet posts, show lower levels of gender-equality. To test this hypothesis, I identify right-wing populist parties within the EU by using data of the Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2021 dataset (CPDS). Moreover, I operationalize gender-equality consulting the Gender Equality Index (GEI) measured by the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE). The results illustrate the effect of populism on gender-equality is context-dependent, meaning that populism only influences some areas of gender-equality.Show less
Vietnamese modern history has always been in opposition to China’s economic and geopolitical interests, rejecting further encroachment upon their economy for their geopolitical independence. In...Show moreVietnamese modern history has always been in opposition to China’s economic and geopolitical interests, rejecting further encroachment upon their economy for their geopolitical independence. In spite of this opposition, Vietnam joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China’s development project that serves as their geoeconomic tool to gain further influence upon its members. I theorise that Vietnam was coerced into entering the BRI against its interest by two main factors: Chinese firms’ economic dominance over Vietnam, and Vietnam's unreliable trade partners. With a focus on the causal mechanisms and the causal link that drove this event to happen, this paper will use process tracing as the method of research. Through this research, I seek to expand upon the underexplored academic gap of a least likely case against Chinese geoeconomic encroachment.Show less
This thesis aims to assess the impact of the European Union's normative power in promoting human rights and democratic norms in Mexico between 2000 and 2015. Manners' (2002) introduction of the...Show moreThis thesis aims to assess the impact of the European Union's normative power in promoting human rights and democratic norms in Mexico between 2000 and 2015. Manners' (2002) introduction of the concept of ‘normative power Europe’ (NPE) has raised increasing interest among scholars, especially those concerned about how the European Union (EU) shapes the world’s conception of what is ‘normal’. Nevertheless, extensive research focuses on the NPE’s ontological conceptualisation and its effectiveness in EU candidate countries, while fewer studies explore the EU’s normative power implications in countries with no possibility of joining the Union. This research addresses this gap by focusing on the EU’s normative power impact in Mexico, a country with no prospect of membership. In 1997, Mexico became the first Latin American country to sign a free trade, political and cooperation agreement with the EU, also known as the Global Agreement. This qualitative study shows that the EU has positively impacted the Mexican norms in democracy and human rights by implementing political conditionality in the Global Agreement. The study's broader implications reflect the EU's growing international role and its effectiveness in promoting its constitutive norms around the world.Show less
The Sino-Russian relationship has been the topic of much interest, especially with regard to Central Asia. Much analysis studies it in terms of hard power resources, positing an axis-of-convenience...Show moreThe Sino-Russian relationship has been the topic of much interest, especially with regard to Central Asia. Much analysis studies it in terms of hard power resources, positing an axis-of-convenience. This research challenges that view by looking at an area of competing influence: educational diplomacy. The Russo-Kazakh and Sino-Kazakh relationships are chosen to compare the resources, strategies, and outcomes. Analysis of official discourse and foreign policy are synthesized with previous research and surveys on Kazakhstani perceptions, and data on students studying in China and Russia. The varying approaches of Russia and China are compared to ascertain their success in soft power projection via educational diplomacy, and how it provides insight into the balance of power in Central Asia.Show less
There has been a surge in ethnic conflicts in recent decades, coinciding with a rise in foreign development aid targeted at post-conflict reconstruction in the affected states. While extant...Show moreThere has been a surge in ethnic conflicts in recent decades, coinciding with a rise in foreign development aid targeted at post-conflict reconstruction in the affected states. While extant literature highlights contradictions in the desired outcomes of foreign aid in recipient states, fewer studies address these outcomes in post-ethnic conflict contexts. This project addresses this gap, focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), and argues that foreign development aid plays a crucial role in sustaining peace through its capacity to bolster democracy and stimulate economic growth, thereby mitigating ethnic tensions and fostering cooperation. Since the end of the Bosnian War in 1995, the three ethnic factions continue to co-exist within BiH, and the country is today on the path to European Union membership, making it an interesting case to study regarding the evaluation of foreign development aid’s contributions in sustaining the peace there. However, the findings of this study yield ambiguous results, shedding light on the complexities of aid's impact in such contexts. While foreign development aid has prevented another war, ethnic and political tensions still linger. The broader implications of this study inform the future of conflict prevention, peacebuilding, and foreign development aid implementation strategies.Show less
This study delves into the often-overlooked realm of small states' influence within international organizations (IOs), focusing on the mechanism of rhetorical action and entrapment. Grounded in...Show moreThis study delves into the often-overlooked realm of small states' influence within international organizations (IOs), focusing on the mechanism of rhetorical action and entrapment. Grounded in theoretical insights from Baldacchino and Wivel (2020), Long (2017b), and Schimmelfenning (2001), this article investigates how small states strategically navigate power dynamics within IOs, leveraging discourse to advance their interests. Specifically, it examines Uruguay's engagement within the Mercosur as a case study, aiming to shed light on the nuanced mechanisms through which small states can exert influence and shape outcomes within IOs. Uruguay's strategic alignment with Mercosur’s foundational values underscores its role as a dedicated advocate for collective benefits, enhancing its credibility within the community. By consistently encouraging reforms for the modernization and flexibilization of the IO, Uruguay leverages rhetorical entrapment to compel larger member states to align with its agenda, risking their credibility if they oppose. The effectiveness of this mechanism is empirically demonstrated in Uruguay's role in the negotiation and signing of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Singapore, showcasing its capacity to stir Mercosur's policy direction and affirming the strategic use of discourse by smaller states to achieve substantial outcomes with larger regional frameworks.Show less
This article aims to explain non-democratic countries voting in favor of Ukraine in the United Nations General Assembly Resolution ES-11/1 by building on theories of vote-buying and Arms of...Show moreThis article aims to explain non-democratic countries voting in favor of Ukraine in the United Nations General Assembly Resolution ES-11/1 by building on theories of vote-buying and Arms of Influence. Russian and US influences on voting behavior are contrasted by establishing competing conditions within a fsQCA framework. The results highlight the multiplicity of causal pathways leading to UNGA voting patterns and indicate that conditions derived from vote-buying can fully, and conditions derived from AOI can partly explain the outcome. Testing for the absence of the outcome, further analysis reveals that AOI based conditions are more suitable for lack of the outcome, revealing an asymmetrical causal relationship.Show less
As the European elections are taking place, a narrative is emerging on the rise of an extreme-right wave. Migration has been a focal point for European far-right parties, shaping and defining the...Show moreAs the European elections are taking place, a narrative is emerging on the rise of an extreme-right wave. Migration has been a focal point for European far-right parties, shaping and defining the European political debate since the 2015 migration crisis. A recent theme emerging in European migrant discourse concerns the preferential treatment politically and in popular thought of Ukrainian refugees over other asylum seekers, notably those from Syria and neighbouring countries in the 2015 crisis. This paper aims to research the impact of NGOs in political and popular attitudes to refugee reception. Using a most similar methodological approach, it qualitatively compares two cases of important migration inflows in France with varying political and popular responses to research the impact of NGO involvement in these variations. It aims to add to broader theoretical discussions on the impact of pluralism on democratic legitimacy and the role of NGOs in that relationship. It seeks to analyze whether normative claims from pluralist democratic theory on that role have empirical import.Show less
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is essential for the economic development of emerging markets. Despite its potential, the distribution of FDI globally remains uneven due to political risk. This...Show moreForeign Direct Investment (FDI) is essential for the economic development of emerging markets. Despite its potential, the distribution of FDI globally remains uneven due to political risk. This thesis investigates the relationship between political risk and FDI, using Tanzania's impending Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) venture as a case study. It assesses political violence risk, employing a qualitative approach to analyse prevailing literature and primary data from interviews with key stakeholders in a bid to identify what the obstacle to the economy transformative investment decision is. The research finds that while political violence is a genuine concern, other identifiable political risks take precedent and are attributable to the delay. These are notably risks of expropriation and transfer restrictions that require a legislative framework. Additionally, the paper offers primary data on the Tanzanian dimension of the Ansar al-Sunnah insurgency along the Swahili Coast, addressing a gap in the existing literature.Show less
This paper contributes to the growing body of research on opposition fragmentation by asking whether the opposition’s format influences its publicly perceived performance and electoral success, as...Show moreThis paper contributes to the growing body of research on opposition fragmentation by asking whether the opposition’s format influences its publicly perceived performance and electoral success, as well as people’s satisfaction with democracy. Using regression analyses, I show that both the polarisation and the fragmentation of the opposition are associated with a decline in people’s attitudes toward them. Furthermore, an increase in opposition polarisation is associated with a decline in citizens’ satisfaction with democracy, while the fragmentation of the opposition shows the opposite effect. Lastly, the opposition’s polarisation and fragmentation show no significant effect on the governing parties’ vote share. Overall, the results of this paper suggest that investigating the format of the opposition gives insides not only into the public perception of opposition parties but also into citizens’ satisfaction with democracy.Show less
