The process of democratization varies greatly between states that attempt it. While some states successfully achieve democratization at an alarmingly fast rate, other states remain stagnated for...Show moreThe process of democratization varies greatly between states that attempt it. While some states successfully achieve democratization at an alarmingly fast rate, other states remain stagnated for years, sometimes even decades, ultimately being labeled as failed democratization attempts. Specifically concerning former Soviet Union (USSR) states, many have attempted democratization, yielding vastly different results. Some states, such as Estonia, have successfully democratized, and are now officially considered to be a democratized state. However, other states, such as Moldova, have been unable to progress further towards democratization, plagued by political, social and economic unrest. When looking at the case of Ukraine, we see a similar situation as Moldova—a stagnated process of democratization, plagued by unrest and conflict. However, in the case of Ukraine, there is still a chance at democratization. How will this become so? Why is it that some former USSR states have achieved democratization, while others have fallen behind and stagnated? This thesis will focus on evaluating the role of third-party mediation and Russian interference in the democratization of Ukraine, specifically considering the Eastern Ukrainian War in Donbas. This research will draw from established factors of successful democratization and apply several theories to analyze the impact Russian interference and failure of third-party mediation efforts during a conflict have on these factors. The research finds that Ukraine’s path towards democratization has been stagnated in part due to the failure of credible third-party mediation to monitor Russian aggression and commitment to ceasefire agreements. The visible effects can be seen during, and after, the War in Donbas. This research builds on existing factors of democratization in order to analyze a new argument of why democratization has failed, using the new factors of credible third-party mediation and Russian intervention again the theoretical framework of multidimensional prevention and the commitment problem.Show less
Taiwan’s international status appears to be one of the most likely scenarios over which war between the U.S. and China could break out. It is, therefore, important to explore why China has defined...Show moreTaiwan’s international status appears to be one of the most likely scenarios over which war between the U.S. and China could break out. It is, therefore, important to explore why China has defined Taiwanese independence or even perpetual maintenance of the status quo as a ‘red line’ and, thus, integration of Taiwan into China as a prime objective. This thesis ap proaches that question by employing a Neoclassical Realist-Constructivist hybrid as a theoret ical framework and identifying dual legitimacy of authoritarian regimes as the imperative that informs foreign policy decision-making of ‘Calculative Revisionist’ great powers. This makes the Taiwan issue both a case study and an important scenario. Furthermore, the thesis com bines the exploration of factors of dual legitimacy with a probability/risk-assessment of poten tial options for implementing China’s objective of Taiwanese integration or, at least, preven tion of formal independence.Show less
This study examines the interpretation of the concept of female empowerment from two perspectives: that of local South Sudanese, both men and women, and that of Europeaid, the EU delegation in...Show moreThis study examines the interpretation of the concept of female empowerment from two perspectives: that of local South Sudanese, both men and women, and that of Europeaid, the EU delegation in charge of a female empowerment project in South Sudan. In order to conduct this research, focus group discussions were held among the local South Sudanese, both men and women, and an in-depth interview was held with Anna Dmitrijewa, the programme manager of Europeaid’s South Sudanese delegation. This research expands the literature on female empowerment, as it is a unique case study conducted in a new nation state struggling with different views on gender roles in national law and customary law. It illustrates the comparability and discrepancy between Europeaid, as an outside party, and the local South Sudanese. All parties indicated that the economic side to female empowerment is relevant, though each group focused on economics differently. The South Sudanese women focused on economic autonomy and rights to property and inheritance, the South Sudanese men focused on making resources available, while both groups stayed cautiously away from social change. Europeaid focused very much on how economics can determine women’s social value and attempts to counter that, directly linking economic and social empowerment. Furthermore, the three parties all agreed that legal empowerment was necessary as a method to defend women’s rights, even though the parties did not have the same view on women’s rights. This research therefore illustrated that female empowerment, the format it should take, and its necessity was viewed differently by each party, particularly social empowerment being viewed as necessary by Europeaid, and unnecessary or even undesirable by the local men and women. Nevertheless, economics remained in the centre position for all parties.Show less
In the late 1990s and the early 2000s, the Western Balkan states became independent and wanted to become EU member states. The region consists of Kosovo, Serbia, Albania, North Macedonia,...Show moreIn the late 1990s and the early 2000s, the Western Balkan states became independent and wanted to become EU member states. The region consists of Kosovo, Serbia, Albania, North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 2020, still, none of the countries in the West Balkan region have succeeded in entering the EU. Besides not having met all of the conditions for membership, there are other factors that hold the aspiring member states back, such as the non-recognition of five of the EU member states. Therefore the Balkan region is still in the EU’s ‘waiting room’. The existing literature cannot explain what is more important in the accession process of the Western Balkan states: the conditions or the cost-benefit analysis of the EU. The research question in this thesis is: what explains best Kosovo’s place in the EU’s ‘waiting room’: the unmet conditions by the Western Balkan state or the cost benefit calculations of the organization? Kosovo is a least-likely case for entering the EU and this case will be analyzed by interviews and literature analysis. The conclusion is that the cost-benefit calculations of the EU are more important than the unmet conditions, in the case of Kosovo.Show less
In this thesis, the motivations behind the adoption of the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth in Bolivia will be explored. Three different explanations will be researched, namely that the law was...Show moreIn this thesis, the motivations behind the adoption of the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth in Bolivia will be explored. Three different explanations will be researched, namely that the law was adopted because of social movement activism, or to gain more control over the country’s natural resources, or, alternatively, in order to increase Bolivia’s international reputation. This thesis argues that all three explanations contributed to the adoption of the law.Show less
Climate change is a long-term global concern that must be tackled via international cooperation. Most countries are aware of the need to address climate change as the severity of the problem grows....Show moreClimate change is a long-term global concern that must be tackled via international cooperation. Most countries are aware of the need to address climate change as the severity of the problem grows. China is a key participant in the global climate governance system as the world's largest developing country and greenhouse gas emitter. This thesis examines China's historical participation in global climate regulation from the standpoint of a national role, as well as the variables that cause changes in China’s role.Show less
In a quickly globalizing world, it is important to understand how foreign-policy takes shape. Using a constructivist perspective, this thesis researches the relationship between foreign-policy and...Show moreIn a quickly globalizing world, it is important to understand how foreign-policy takes shape. Using a constructivist perspective, this thesis researches the relationship between foreign-policy and individual decision-makers. To do so, this thesis composes the belief-systems of Barack Obama and Donald Trump and provides an overview of their administration’s foreign-policy towards China. Thereby it uncovers the relationship between the two phenomena. The belief-systems are composed though qualitative narrative analysis of speeches, delivered by the men throughout their time as president. The overview of American foreign policy towards China is composed though an inductive analysis of official foreign-policy documents. My research findings indicate that, for this specific case, there is indeed a relationship between the belief-systems of Barack Obama and Donald Trump and their administration’s foreign-policy towards China. Although the nature of this research does not allow for generalization, this thesis proves that the relationship between belief-systems and foreign-policy is important to research.Show less
This thesis seeks to understand how the Belarusian democratic opposition influences the foreign policy of the European Union regarding Belarus by applying the boomerang pattern from Keck and...Show moreThis thesis seeks to understand how the Belarusian democratic opposition influences the foreign policy of the European Union regarding Belarus by applying the boomerang pattern from Keck and Sikkink (1998) on the case. The main argument of the study is that the boomerang pattern has to be complemented with the theory of resource exchange to understand the mechanism behind the pattern. Resource exchange holds that influence over policy can be exchanged for a valuable resource. The mechanism is expected to work because transnational advocacy networks from a country neighbouring the EU have security as a valuable resource as stability at their home state enhances both domestic and European security. The research shows that the boomerang pattern is present between the Belarusian democratic opposition and the EU. Nonetheless, the thrown and caught boomerang are not similar because the resource of security is incorporated in the caught European boomerang and not in the thrown Belarusian boomerang. Therefore, the success of the boomerang pattern depends on the process and not on the resource presented by the transnational advocacy network to the international ally. In other words, the overlap between the presented and perceived resource determines the success of the boomerang pattern.Show less
Environmental sustainability has become increasingly important in global politics and the promotion of renewable energy has received growing attention. Through its Southern European Neighborhood...Show moreEnvironmental sustainability has become increasingly important in global politics and the promotion of renewable energy has received growing attention. Through its Southern European Neighborhood Policy, the European Union invests in renewable energy in the MENA region, which has long lagged behind global renewable energy production while having major renewable energy potential. Though the EU stresses partner state development and climate goals as drivers for the ENP policy, existing literature has critically assessed the intentions of the ENP as a whole, suggesting that more Eurocentric motives drive this policy. Another set of literature surrounds the geopolitics of renewable energy and the consequences based on them. Various geopolitical incentives have been attributed to renewable energy promotion. However, there has been little formal theorization concerning the motives behind the renewable energy policy of the European Southern Neighborhood Policy. This thesis seeks to assess the intentions of EU policy for renewable energy in its MENA partner region.Show less
In deze scriptie is onderzocht welke strategieën public affairs-kantoren hanteren om invloed uit te oefenen op de politieke besluitvorming op nationaal niveau in Nederland. Dat is gebeurd aan de...Show moreIn deze scriptie is onderzocht welke strategieën public affairs-kantoren hanteren om invloed uit te oefenen op de politieke besluitvorming op nationaal niveau in Nederland. Dat is gebeurd aan de hand van semigestructureerde interviews met acht public affairs-kantoren. Uit de resultaten blijken de participerende kantoren hetzelfde doel te hebben - politieke beïnvloeding -, daartoe een soortgelijke aanpak te hanteren en daarbij dezelfde lobbytargets voor ogen te hebben. Hierbij geven zij echter wel allemaal aan dat dit sterk kan variëren per casus en blijkt dat er ook tussen kantoren verschillende voorkeuren zijn wat betreft aanpak. Duidelijk is wel dat er één kader bestaat waarbinnen gewerkt wordt. In alle interviews kwam aan bod dat public affairs-kantoren de politiek proberen te beïnvloeden met een integrale aanpak die voorbij zogenaamd ‘ouderwets’ lobbyen kijkt, waarbinnen een keuzepakket aan te nemen stappen bestaat, die hoofdzakelijk gericht zijn op het beleidsproces en waarin het zwaartepunt ligt in de ambtelijke voorbereiding. Dit werpt een nieuw licht op activiteiten van lobbyisten omdat de focus in het kader van hun lobbyactiviteiten ten onrechte vaak gericht is op beïnvloeding van politieke en bestuurlijke kopstukken, in plaats van op de ambtelijke voorbereiding.Show less
De staatscommissie parlementair stelsel signaleert dat de gemiddelde zittingsduur van Tweede Kamerleden is afgenomen. De staatscommissie stelt dat de Tweede Kamer hierdoor minder goed in staat om...Show moreDe staatscommissie parlementair stelsel signaleert dat de gemiddelde zittingsduur van Tweede Kamerleden is afgenomen. De staatscommissie stelt dat de Tweede Kamer hierdoor minder goed in staat om zijn functie als tegenmacht uit te oefenen. De wetenschappelijke onderbouwing van deze stelling ontbreekt. In deze masterscriptie wordt daarom het verband tussen zittingsduur en tegenmacht kwantitatief onderzocht. De tegenmacht van de Tweede Kamer wordt bepaald aan de hand van de mate waarin de Tweede Kamer schriftelijke vragen, amendementen en moties inzet. Tegen de theoretisch onderbouwde verwachtingen in, blijkt tegenmacht negatief verband te houden met zittingsduur, zo wijzen de analyses uit. Hoe langer de termijn van een Tweede Kamerlid, hoe minder deze gemiddeld bijdraagt aan de tegenmacht van het parlement. Deze onvoorziene conclusie biedt voldoende aanknopingspunten voor verder onderzoek.Show less
Tijdens de coronacrisis is de toegang van de politieke journalistiek tot politici sterk afgenomen. Deze scriptie onderzoekt hoe de pers heeft kunnen functioneren tijdens de coronacrisis. Om...Show moreTijdens de coronacrisis is de toegang van de politieke journalistiek tot politici sterk afgenomen. Deze scriptie onderzoekt hoe de pers heeft kunnen functioneren tijdens de coronacrisis. Om erachter te komen dit functioneren heeft gewerkt tijdens de coronacrisis zijn zeven politiek journalisten geïnterviewd op semigestructureerde wijze. Uit de wetenschappelijke literatuur over het functioneren van de politieke pers blijken drie kernpraktijken: de politiek observeren, documenten analyseren en interviews afnemen. Dit onderzoek wijst erop dat het observeren van de politiek door journalisten niet goed heeft kunnen plaatsvinden omdat fysiek contact tussen politici en journalisten afgenomen is door de coronamaatregelen. Ook zijn drie kerntaken van de journalistiek vastgesteld: het informeren van het publiek, het uitdragen van de boodschappen van politici en het controleren van de overheid. Het informeren van het publiek is bemoeilijkt door de informatieachterstand en inhoudelijke eenzijdigheid die de coronacrisis meebrachten. Het controleren van de overheid is verstoord door diezelfde informatieachterstand en door het verschuiven van de macht van coalitie naar kabinet, waar journalisten moeilijker ingangen lijken te vinden. Dit onderzoek concludeert dat er aanwijzingen zijn dat het functioneren van de politieke journalistiek in Nederland in bijna al haar facetten is aangetast. In de toekomst dient aandacht te worden besteed aan de informatiepositie van de journalistiek als de macht verschuift van coalitie naar kabinet.Show less
This thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the...Show moreThis thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the public consensus on the need to mitigate climate change. Based on an original dataset of public opinion on ten potential environmental policy changes between 2008 and 2020, the main results are that amidst general policy responsiveness, both genders and age groups are equally well represented whereas high-educated citizens experience a slight representational bias. This demonstrates that climate policy adoption is not hampered by the underrepresentation of pro-environmental interests. The analyses in the second part reject descriptive representation as a plausible explanation for unequal policy responsiveness. Doing so, this thesis emphasizes the importance of going beyond numbers to explore mechanisms that facilitate the representation of climate preferences held by diverse groups in society.Show less
Taking an elite-centred approach, this paper analyses the recent attempted electoral reform initiative in Canada (national level), primarily focusing upon the most influential and powerful...Show moreTaking an elite-centred approach, this paper analyses the recent attempted electoral reform initiative in Canada (national level), primarily focusing upon the most influential and powerful political actors throughout this process. In particular, the extent to which individual political elite motivations (both material and ideational) can help explain why reform attempts likely fail, will be of central interest. The theoretical framework, which is used to navigate this research puzzle, consists of the ‘barriers model’ by Rahat and Hazan (2009, 2011), and the related, ‘models of electoral system change,’ by Benoit (2004). By building upon ‘barriers model,’ in particular, this project seeks to increase academic understanding of the relationship between both material and ideational motivations, how such motivation types might be recognised, and importantly, how both interact in the context of proposed electoral reform. By using an exploratory process tracing methodology, the complex mechanisms associated with both types of political elite motives are examined. Overall, this study seems to confirm majority academic opinion, that material motivations are the key driving incentives behind whether electoral reform is likely to fail or succeed. However, that being noted, evidence from this research paper does, nonetheless, appear to suggest strong ideational incentives for both the removal and retention of the status quo. While the relationship between both motive types is complex, the use of ideational argumentation to mask more salient material motives does appear present throughout.Show less
Despite the attention given by researchers to post-war rebel-to-party transitions and their determinants, the relationship between the presence political wings and the transition of rebel groups...Show moreDespite the attention given by researchers to post-war rebel-to-party transitions and their determinants, the relationship between the presence political wings and the transition of rebel groups into political parties remains understudied. In order to fill this gap, this research proposal proposes a large-N statistical analysis of the rebel groups having successfully transitioned into a political party, for all civil wars having ended between 1975 and 2015. It is expected that the presence of political wings will increase the likelihood of rebel-to-party transitions because of two reasons. First, political wings allow rebel groups to expect electoral success, because they provide a legal venue in which supporters can express their support for the rebel group. Second, political wings provide rebel groups with experience and an organizational basis on which to found a political party, thus facilitating the transition of rebel groups to political parties. No evidence is found supporting this hypothesis, which means that political wings are not found to have any effect on rebel-to-party transitions. Still, future research should continue exploring the link between state-building processes and rebel-to-party transitions. While political wings might not play a role, the set up of state-like structures could.Show less
In this thesis, I examine the role of rebel fragmentation on the intensity of sexual violence during armed conflict. The linkage of both concepts has been neglected in the existing literature. In...Show moreIn this thesis, I examine the role of rebel fragmentation on the intensity of sexual violence during armed conflict. The linkage of both concepts has been neglected in the existing literature. In order to overcome this gap, I look at the influence of outbidding. The process of outbidding is the competing effect between two or more rival factions or rebel groups in the same territory and the subsequent surge in extreme violence. Using a single case study, I describe the preexisting levels of sexual violence by the SPLM and the intensity of sexual violence after the split. By doing so, I find evidence that the occurrence of rebel fragmentation is associated with higher intensities of sexual violence. More specifically, my findings conclude that the conflict dynamic of outbidding, and the subsequent reaction with violence by both groups, is a useful explanation for the increase in the levels of sexual violence in South Sudan. The result of this thesis adds to the existing literature on sexual violence and provides an incentive for further research on the matter.Show less
In this thesis, I examine how women’s political socialization before a conflict is connected to the prevalence of sexual violence during conflict. The thesis contributes to the existing literature...Show moreIn this thesis, I examine how women’s political socialization before a conflict is connected to the prevalence of sexual violence during conflict. The thesis contributes to the existing literature with its approach to a better understanding of sexual violence during conflict but also looking at how political socialization could favor certain behavior in conflict. Moreover, it opens a new field that distinguishes between peace and conflict times but acknowledges the importance of socialization before a conflict. The main argument is that the longer women had the chance to participate politically, the more influence they should have had on socialization, and the less sexual violence should happen during conflict. This is based on three mechanisms: women’s value in a society, gender stereotypes and women’s ability to change policies. The hypothesis will be tested in a large-N analysis by using Ordinal Logistic Regression. Two independent variables are being used in order to look at women’s political socialization: the duration of female suffrage and women’s legislative power before the conflict start. The results show that especially the duration of female suffrage can be associated with a lower prevalence of sexual violence during conflict. Against the expectations, it does not make a difference how much legislative power women had in the pre-conflict society. Female suffrage, however, can be seen as an important point in the socialization processes for women and men that has a negative effect on conflict-related sexual violence the longer it has been established.Show less
Environmental scarcity scholars believe that the scarcity of renewable resources an important contributor to violence and conflict in states belonging to the global south. Water scarcity is...Show moreEnvironmental scarcity scholars believe that the scarcity of renewable resources an important contributor to violence and conflict in states belonging to the global south. Water scarcity is becoming increasingly problematic, especially in less developed states. Existing literature has mostly focused on the macro-level and has overlooked the individual's experience of water scarcity. Existing literature mostly focuses on armed conflict and fails to address the impact water scarcity on different types of political behavior. Investigating the individual level can be more concise in explaining the likelihood of political participation. Using the theoretical concept of relative deprivation and quantitative analysis, the relation between water scarcity and individual violent political behavior is investigated in the African continent using disaggregated data from the Afrobarometer. The impact of relative water scarcity is measured to determine whether water scarcity contributes to the propensity of an individual to use violence instead of other means of political participation. No evidence is found that relative water scarcity impacts voting behavior. Both the propensity of demonstration behavior and the propensity of using violence are negatively impacted by relative water scarcity. Therefore, no evidence is found that water scarcity increases the propensity of individuals using violence instead of other political means.Show less
