There are 88.313 people in the Netherlands that are categorised as nationality unknown in the Dutch Personal Record Database. This categorisation is not the same as being stateless in the...Show moreThere are 88.313 people in the Netherlands that are categorised as nationality unknown in the Dutch Personal Record Database. This categorisation is not the same as being stateless in the Netherlands, since people with an unknown nationality are expected provide the necessary national documents to obtain the Dutch nationality. This often leaves them in a de facto stateless position, without the mechanisms in the Netherlands to determine statelessness. With this paper, the aim will be to gain insights into the lived experiences of people with a Dutch residence permit with an unknown nationality and to examine the position of being in between statuses of a residence permit and citizenship, since most of the people in this group can to a great extent (with certain limitations) participate in the Dutch society. Through semi-structured interviews, this paper concluded the pivotal role of AZCs, building a life in the Netherlands and the mechanisms of politics of belonging.Show less
National identity is underlined in the Dutch integration policy but within society, it is a controversial term up for debate. This study aims to reveal how national identity is understood (in the...Show moreNational identity is underlined in the Dutch integration policy but within society, it is a controversial term up for debate. This study aims to reveal how national identity is understood (in the light of this controversy) by studying the integration exam. The research has analyzed practice books and exams through discourse analysis by focusing on markers of national identity found in the literature. The analysis presents two themes: historical events and equality of men and women qualified for further discussion. These themes revealed a discrepancy between the understanding of national identity in the exam, in comparison to broader society and academia. Furthermore, the understanding was not a collective understanding, but created top-down, even though the literature stresses the importance of group feelings. The results indicate that the integration exam’s use of national identity is not in line with society's views. Therefore, it does not represent the collective views on national identity present in society and discussed in academia.Show less
Despite the theoretical aversion of good governing practices and democracy to corruption, empirical findings to this point have yielded oft-conflicting results, suggesting the need for a more...Show moreDespite the theoretical aversion of good governing practices and democracy to corruption, empirical findings to this point have yielded oft-conflicting results, suggesting the need for a more nuanced understanding between the relationship of democracy and corruption outcomes. Moving beyond general indices of liberal democracy, some scholars have examined the role of elections in curtailing corruption. In particular, their explorations into this relationship have focused on the ways in which elections vary across countries. From this literature, three electoral qualities have been identified as the most significant in their association with corruption: political competition, political polarization, and campaign finance regulations. Though, these qualities have yet to be explored comparatively. This study addresses that gap by employing multiple regression models in a cross-country analysis to further assess the relationships between each of these electoral qualities and corruption outcomes. In sum, political competition, both de facto and de jure, shows positive correlations with clean governance. Political polarization shows inverse relationships to corruption outcomes, with polarization amongst elites positively correlated with clean governance and societal polarization negatively associated with clean governance. Lastly, transparency of campaign donations shows a positive, albeit minimal, correlation with clean governance, while publicly funded campaign finance programs are negatively associated with clean governance.Show less
This thesis examines the trajectories for climate and gender justice in Bangladesh, in relation to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100 (BDP 2100). The study...Show moreThis thesis examines the trajectories for climate and gender justice in Bangladesh, in relation to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100 (BDP 2100). The study is based on a case study approach, using qualitative text analysis as a method of analysis. The theoretical framework builds on theories of postcolonial feminism, primarily by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak and Chandra Talpade Mohanty, intersectional theories and previous research examining the links between climate and gender in Bangladesh. The selected material, the SDGs and the BDP 2100 is analysed through four themes; ‘Discursive Marginalization’, ‘Consciousness and Subject’, ‘Intersecting Challenges’ and ‘Sustainability and GDP’. What are the trajectories for climate and gender justice in Bangladesh, in relation to the SDGs and the BDP 2100? This research finds that although gendered vulnerabilities linked to climate change are acknowledged, it lacks representation and agency from a postcolonial perspective. Moreover, it finds that BDP 2100 does not acknowledge gendered (or social) dimensions in how Bangladesh is impacted by climate change, which poses a problem for how to formulate sound and inclusive policies.Show less
In this paper, I aimed to analyze how alt-right rhetoric influenced the way race is framed within incel ideologies. This research is beneficial to actors interested in understanding the influence...Show moreIn this paper, I aimed to analyze how alt-right rhetoric influenced the way race is framed within incel ideologies. This research is beneficial to actors interested in understanding the influence extremist ideologies have over the development of other extremist ideologies. This study builds on theories from incel literature, alt-right ideology, norm diffusion, online extremism, and critical race theory to gain a deeper understanding of the intricacies of the incel philosophy. Using various tools of discourse analysis, this research discovered the internalization of several alt-right racialized tropes, along with the emulation of language popularized by critical race scholars. This emulation is used by incels as a targeted campaign to introduce their ideology to mainstream audiences.Show less
The legitimacy of the International Criminal Court is often contested, scholars and practitioners pointing out its ineffectiveness, politicisation and questionable judicial performance. However,...Show moreThe legitimacy of the International Criminal Court is often contested, scholars and practitioners pointing out its ineffectiveness, politicisation and questionable judicial performance. However, attempts to assess the legitimacy of the Court do not provide sufficient resources for a comprehensive and definitive assessment. Such assessment could help shift the discourse from merely questioning the Court’s legitimacy to proposing solutions to improve its legitimacy. This thesis explores a wide definition of legitimacy, going beyond the delegation of authority and employing additional criteria including integrity, comparative benefit, and effectiveness, to assess whether the ICC passes the binary legitimacy test and can be rendered legitimate. Both normative and sociological considerations are taken into account. It is argued that the mandate of the Court highlights its unique place in the field of international criminal justice and forms the foundational basis for its legitimacy.Show less
This thesis aims to uncover the conditions under which the involvement of former rebel groups in post-conflict politics contributes to enduring peace. Many of today’s peace settlements are built...Show moreThis thesis aims to uncover the conditions under which the involvement of former rebel groups in post-conflict politics contributes to enduring peace. Many of today’s peace settlements are built around the promises of post-conflict electoral politics and the involvement of former rebel groups in this process. Yet, the electoral process entails high levels of uncertainty for combatants, which makes credible commitment to electoral politics rather difficult. Therefore, conflict scholars have tried to identify ways by which the problems of commitment can be resolved. Nevertheless, there is a lack of consistency within the literature on what specific conditions determine whether the involvement of former combatants in post-conflict electoral politics contributes to durable peace. This study aims to fill this gap by examining how the interaction of the three main conditions: third-party assistance, levels of institutionalization, and power-sharing institutions, affects the relation between the participation of former combatants in post-conflict politics and durable peace. I combine within-case process-tracing with a case comparison of Rwanda, Liberia, Angola, and Mozambique.Show less
This study investigates the relationship between violent protest and popular support for the military in Latin America and Chile, Recently, Latin America has experienced a large wave of violent...Show moreThis study investigates the relationship between violent protest and popular support for the military in Latin America and Chile, Recently, Latin America has experienced a large wave of violent anti-government protests causing unrest and instability in the region. Simultaneously, a growing trend shows that Latin American citizens are becoming more supportive of the military. Accordingly, existing theories on militarization have not yet sufficiently analyzed the link between these two variables. While scholars often indicate that insecurity and distrust in political institutions are important determinants to growing levels of support for the military, they have not yet been linked directly to violent protest. Therefore, this research aims to build upon these works and theorizes that violent protest leads to feelings of insecurity and distrust in political institutions which in turn, drives citizens to grant more authority to the military. It is found in the Chilean case that violent protest generally does not lead to higher levels of support for the military although it does fuel demands for a short-term military solution to curb public disorder.Show less
The introduction of cell phones and the Internet into society has change the means through which collective mobilization efforts are done, increasingly using online platforms or messaging services...Show moreThe introduction of cell phones and the Internet into society has change the means through which collective mobilization efforts are done, increasingly using online platforms or messaging services to do so. This paper brings forward the following research question: What is the effect of ICT on the onset of armed conflict? The discussion will be operationalized by a cross-national country analysis on seven ASEAN countries between 2001 and 2017. These economies have seen an exponential spread of individual-access to ICT since they have become widely available to the masses, while also being continuously affected by severe on-going armed conflict. To answer the research question, the theoretical link between ICT and conflict onset is empirically examined by testing three hypothesis quantitively, using a negative binomial regression model. Based on the existing literature on conflict onset, I expected a positive relationship: an increase of ICT would be associated with an increase in armed conflict onset. The findings confirm most of the expectations, while others ask for more nuanced research on cell phone and Internet availability and the relationship with armed conflict onset.Show less
Studies over parlementaire agenda setting analyseren veelal welke factoren ervoor zorgen dat partijen succesvol hun onderwerpen op de parlementaire agenda krijgen. Het feit dat deze onderwerpen...Show moreStudies over parlementaire agenda setting analyseren veelal welke factoren ervoor zorgen dat partijen succesvol hun onderwerpen op de parlementaire agenda krijgen. Het feit dat deze onderwerpen soms door dezelfde partijen weer van de parlementaire agenda worden geschrapt, wordt daarbij vaak genegeerd. Deze studie analyseert 319 succesvol aangevraagde dertigledendebatten uit de Tweede Kamer om te achterhalen welke factoren een rol spelen het schrappen van zaken van de parlementaire agenda. Uit een nested analysis opgebouwd uit logistische regressies en een content analysis blijkt dat probleemeigenaarschap geen belangrijke factor is bij het intrekken van dertigledendebatten. De mate waarin een partij een populistische oppositiestijl hanteert, hangt daarentegen sterk samen met het intrekken van dertigledendebatten. Populistische partijen trekken minder dertigledendebatten in, omdat dertigledendebatten met name geschikt zijn om democratische controle uit te voeren. Omdat populistische partijen vooral gericht zijn op democratische controle, zijn zij daarom minder geneigd om een dertigledendebat in te trekken.Show less
In maart 2017 kwam zowel de Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV) als het Forum voor Democratie (FvD) in het Nederlandse parlement. Beide partijen zijn rechts-populistisch, iets wat niet vaak voorkomt in...Show moreIn maart 2017 kwam zowel de Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV) als het Forum voor Democratie (FvD) in het Nederlandse parlement. Beide partijen zijn rechts-populistisch, iets wat niet vaak voorkomt in Europese parlementen. Bijna al deze partijen zijn gecategoriseerd als radicaal rechts-populistisch of neoliberaal populistisch. De PVV van Wilders is gecategoriseerd als radicaal rechts-populistisch, maar voor het FvD ontbreekt een categorisatie. Dit onderzoek heeft daarom als doel om het FvD te categoriseren binnen het rechts-populisme. Het onderzoek richt zich op de theorie van het radicaal rechts-populisme en het neoliberaal populisme. Aan de hand daarvan worden vijf criteria geformuleerd om het FvD te categoriseren. Hiervoor worden parlementaire documenten (amendementen, moties, vragen en wetsvoorstellen) en parlementaire stemmingen in de periode maart 2017 tot en met 2019 gebruikt. Daaruit blijkt dat het FvD voor vier van de vijf criteria binnen het radicaal rechts-populisme valt. Op één criteria is de partij meer neoliberaal populistisch. Daarom wordt er geconcludeerd dat het FvD een radicaal rechts-populistische partij is.Show less
This thesis contributes to existing theories on democratization by examining the effect of Western influence on democratization in post-Soviet countries from 1991 until 2019. Western influence is...Show moreThis thesis contributes to existing theories on democratization by examining the effect of Western influence on democratization in post-Soviet countries from 1991 until 2019. Western influence is divided in two dimensions: leverage as governments’ vulnerability to external pressure and linkage as the density of ties to the West. It is expected that leverage alone does not enhance democratization, but linkage does, and that a combination of high linkage and leverage has the strongest effect on democratization. Surprisingly, a factor analysis on the dimensions of linkage and leverage reveals that leverage is not a coherent concept as was expected beforehand. Moreover, after performing multiple OLS regressions, it is concluded that linkage has a strong effect on democratization, and some dimensions of leverage positively influence democratization. Finally, it cannot be concluded that an interaction effect exists whereby leverage enhances the effect of linkage on democratization. This is due to the lack of coherence between the leverage dimensions and due to conflicting results of the performed tests.Show less
This research signifies the first political persuasion experiment on Universal Basic Income (UBI) in the Netherlands. By applying the counterargument technique in an online survey, this study has...Show moreThis research signifies the first political persuasion experiment on Universal Basic Income (UBI) in the Netherlands. By applying the counterargument technique in an online survey, this study has presented Dutch respondents with arguments that contradict their initially expressed opinion on UBI, in which the arguments would either be focused on the recipients of UBI, or on the financial consequences of implementing UBI. This study has demonstrated that within a Dutch sample of 557 respondents aged between 18 and 88 years and which predominantly consists of higher educated, left-leaning women with a general interest in politics, support for UBI is strong and predominantly robust. It proved harder to persuade the initial supporters of UBI than the initial opponents. The findings provide validity for the issue-specific explanation on attitude change, as respondents were more likely to be persuaded when the arguments are more in line with their ideological views. However, contrary to what was expected, the initial supporters who are socio-economically more left-wing were substantially more susceptible to the financial arguments than arguments on the recipients UBI, while the initial opponents who place themselves more towards the right were substantially more susceptible to the arguments on the recipients than the financial arguments. The findings of this study are relevant for scholars of political persuasion and those interested in the public legitimacy of the welfare state and UBI. It has shown that con arguments are not always more persuasive than pro arguments and that the content of the arguments matters for political persuasion on UBI. This can also inform advocates and opponents of UBI about the political feasibility of a coalition against or for the implementation of UBI.Show less
The following thesis investigates the moderation effects of issue salience on the relationship between retrospective evaluations of governments' healthcare as well as economy policies performance...Show moreThe following thesis investigates the moderation effects of issue salience on the relationship between retrospective evaluations of governments' healthcare as well as economy policies performance and government popularity. Its core hypothesis postulates that voters are more likely to reward incumbents with reelection if they pursue successful policies, as well as more likely sanction them with defection to opposition, if their policies fail for issues they consider to be salient. The thesis runs two separate studies using different measurements of the same theoretical concepts to check for robustness of results. The first study is based on individual-level data, while the second study employs macro-level data. Results of the first study suggest, that voters are more likely to reward incumbents for improving healthcare standards when healthcare-related issues are salient, but not more likely to sanction incumbents for worsening healthcare standards. Contrary to expectations, voters who are of the view that economic issues are salient, seem to be more likely to support incumbents when national economic conditions are regressing. For Study 2, the thesis found no significant effect – objective indicators of economic and healthcare quality performance as well as measures of economy and healthcare-related issues on a macro-level seem to be unrelated to government popularity, though data validty is suspected to play an important part in the outcome of the regressions of Study 1.Show less
In a region more characterized by a history of military coups and autocratic military rule than by inter-state conflict, the armed forces have increasingly been deployed inside each state’s own...Show moreIn a region more characterized by a history of military coups and autocratic military rule than by inter-state conflict, the armed forces have increasingly been deployed inside each state’s own territory with the goal of fighting violent crime. Throughout the 21st century, Latin American countries have, without exception, progressively militarized their security. This thesis seeks to research whether this militarization is impacting the quality of democracy in the continent. Using Rio de Janeiro as an in-depth case study, I argue that the militarization of security has the potential to undermine the quality of democracy by diminishing state capacity.Show less
Does it make a difference whether women are included in peace negotiations or should it just be left to the men in charge? Arguably, there is a connection in this statement: including women in the...Show moreDoes it make a difference whether women are included in peace negotiations or should it just be left to the men in charge? Arguably, there is a connection in this statement: including women in the peace process may reshape who is “in charge” by affecting levels of female political participation in the post-conflict environment. Though support for the idea that women should be involved in the peacebuilding process is almost unanimous, insufficient consideration has been given to how this involvement affects women in the longer-term, especially in relation to their political engagement. This thesis will build a theory about the relationship between women’s involvement in peace negotiations, and their subsequent levels of political participation. To do so, I will consider whether involvement in peace negotiations matters, and whether the type of involvement has varying degrees of impact. I theorize that the type women’s inclusion in the peace process affects the rate of political participation in two main ways: by causing a shift in cultural norms relating to the role of women and by altering the content of the agreement itself.Show less
This study examines how the government accession within an EU country can affect the discourse of the left-wing and right-wing populist parties. We analyzed this question by tracing two Greek...Show moreThis study examines how the government accession within an EU country can affect the discourse of the left-wing and right-wing populist parties. We analyzed this question by tracing two Greek populist parties' discourse, the left-wing Syriza and the right-wing Independent Greeks (Anel), during the 2012-2019 period. We have split the examined period into two subperiods (2012 to July 2015, and August 2015 to 2019). The turning point was the Syriza-Anel government’s signature of the third EU bailout program in August 2015. The first hypothesis was that the government accession within the EU context would slightly decrease the populist logic of the two parties. The next two hypotheses referred that the EU leverage emerged by the signing of the bailout agreement will decrease the populist rhetoric of the two parties towards the external elites (mainly the EU). However, the right-wing populists (Anel)- even after this decrease- will target the external elites to a larger extent than the left-wing populists. To examine the hypotheses in-depth, we applied a combination of quantitative content analysis with qualitative discourse analysis. The findings have corroborated our three initial hypotheses. Simultaneously, the qualitative discourse analysis offered us some additional findings concerning the two parties' use of topos of “History” to increase their populist appeal within the electorate.Show less