Over the past 20 years, successive French Presidents have attempted to break away from the stigma of Françafrique. Sarkozy in 2007, Hollande in 2012, and finally, Macron in 2017 all have...Show moreOver the past 20 years, successive French Presidents have attempted to break away from the stigma of Françafrique. Sarkozy in 2007, Hollande in 2012, and finally, Macron in 2017 all have articulated, convincing more or less the international community and African counterparts, their respective will to build Franco-African relations based on equality in rupture with neocolonialism. Have they succeeded? What drives current relations between France and African states? This thesis aims to dissect what characterizes the most recent French foreign policy on the African continent, specifically its discursive construction in a context where French influence has been internally and externally challenged. Drawing on French official speeches, this paper argues that despite a shift to a partial solidarity-driven status towards the African states, the fading away of the discursively produced position of a dominant France relative to Africa is still not being entirely eroded.Show less
Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found...Show moreSince the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found to pursue a foreign policy strategy of strategic hedging between China as a rising power, and the United States (US) as their long-time ally. However, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region also plays a key role in the execution of this New Silk Road. Despite this, there is a gap in the literature regarding how these states may respond to the rise of China through this new initiative. Egypt, which holds a significant position in the transportation routes due to its dominance of the Suez Canal, is a key player in this initiative, but remains overlooked in discussion about the BRI’s role in the new world order. Therefore, this thesis aims to investigate to what extent Egypt is using the BRI and increased Chinese influence to hedge against the US. Drawing on the emerging theory of strategic hedging, this study assesses the theory’s applicability to the case study of Egypt as a secondary power in the MENA region. Through qualitative analysis of key economic and military factors, as well as expert interviews, this analysis provides two main findings. Firstly, Egypt is pursuing a hedging strategy towards the US through increased economic engagement with China. Secondly, this strategy is characterized by economic hedging, a less competitive form of hedging that allows Egypt to maintain relatively more positive relations with the US. Finally, this thesis suggests that further research should focus on detailed data regarding Egyptian domestic factors, and the applicability of hedging to other BRI participants in the MENA region, to provide a more comprehensive exploration of strategic hedging in International Relations (IR) theory.Show less
The Covid-19 pandemic led to more than 7 million deaths, global economic depressions and political disputes about vaccine distribution. Although many political actors emphasised the importance of...Show moreThe Covid-19 pandemic led to more than 7 million deaths, global economic depressions and political disputes about vaccine distribution. Although many political actors emphasised the importance of vaccine equity in the beginning of the pandemic, global vaccine distribution mechanisms like COVAX were quickly abandoned. The high vaccine inequity led to a prolonged pandemic that negatively affected both Global North and South. While many former studies focused on establishing the reasons for a lack of vaccine equity, it is relevant to analyse to what extent political actors have critically reflected upon these reasons and acquired new understandings of how to improve vaccine equity during future pandemics. This research filled the gap by applying the policy learning framework by Heikkila & Gerlak (2013) and conducting a qualitative content analysis of EU Parliamentary Debates. The findings suggest a learning process of the European Parliament which entails: a strengthened belief that more vaccine equity is necessary when handling future global health crises as well as an in-depth understanding of potential policies that could advance equity during global health crises. These cognitive learning products are likely to shape future policy making of the EU regarding global vaccine equity.Show less
Southeast Asian states are working to set regional human rights standards concerning torture prevention. The relationship between Southeast Asia and international human rights law regarding torture...Show moreSoutheast Asian states are working to set regional human rights standards concerning torture prevention. The relationship between Southeast Asia and international human rights law regarding torture warrants increased academic attention. This text looks at the connection between the UN Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and torture prevention in Southeast Asia, conducting a small-N case study of torture prevention in Cambodia and the Philippines. It finds evidence consistent with stagnation in torture prevention in Cambodia and improved torture prevention in the Philippines following OPCAT ratification. Furthermore, Southeast Asian states may be diversifying in their approaches to international human rights law regarding torture according to political regime type.Show less
The informal economy is ever-present in developing countries. It is present in any worker and small business out of the state’s regulatory environment. Moreover, high poverty rates are also present...Show moreThe informal economy is ever-present in developing countries. It is present in any worker and small business out of the state’s regulatory environment. Moreover, high poverty rates are also present in such developing countries. Therefore, finding a way to address the informal economy to see whether poverty can be reduced is paramount. Thus, this thesis will explore the research question of: What state interventions to the informal economy can affect the countries’ poverty rates across different levels of economic development? For this purpose, this research will explore two state interventions: those facilitating business formalization and those providing social protection. By analyzing over 100 countries and conducting a multiple linear regression, this research has found a statistical effect of state interventions on the countries’ poverty rates. The findings show that state interventions can affect the poverty rates of developing countries. However, such an effect is contingent on matters such as the level of corruption and government effectiveness. Thus, these findings pave the way for future focus on how the countries’ institutional environment must be addressed when looking into how to target the informal economy to reduce poverty.Show less
