Since the conflict in Syria started in 2011, an estimated 400,000 Syrians have lost their lives. The international community has failed to prevent crimes against humanity in the Syrian context and...Show moreSince the conflict in Syria started in 2011, an estimated 400,000 Syrians have lost their lives. The international community has failed to prevent crimes against humanity in the Syrian context and has been highly criticised for its inaction and incapacity. In this thesis, the source of this inaction will be investigated. Syria has manifested a divided United Nations Security Council (UNSC), unable to unilaterally act under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) banner. Those in favour of R2P increasingly face opposition from non-western powers. Russia has persistently opposed R2P action and advocates for a new form of R2P, the Responsibility While Protecting (RWP). The application of R2P in Libya can be identified as the reason for this shifting discourse of R2P. This thesis will argue the application of R2P in Libya led to a negative discursive shift of R2P, especially in relation to the military aspect of R2P. The focus will be on the Russian role in this shifting discourse since Russia holds a veto power in the UNSC, making it a key player in international politics. The Russian influence will be investigated through analysing two Russian UNSC speeches relating to R2P: one speech in the Libyan context, the other in the Syrian context. The speeches have been selected after thoroughly analysing all UNSC speeches dedicated to R2P. The two speeches have been chosen to analyse for they best reflect the shifting Russian discourse on R2P. A critical discourse analysis of these two key speeches demonstrate Russia’s position in the debate is indicative of a shift in the overall discourse on R2P, from relatively accepting to critical, moving into the direction of RWP. It is thus concluded that the R2P concept, in its current form, is in decline.Show less
The EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and...Show moreThe EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and Scotland as well as in the Brexit referendum. This new political context provides an excellent opportunity to reassess the stance of the EU with regard to secessionist conflicts. This thesis uses this opportunity to build on the work of Bourne (2014) by analysing whether the political discourses of regionalist parties and EU representatives, on secession within the EU framework, changed between 2014 and 2017 – in the case of Catalonia, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The analysis shows that the only discourses that changed significantly over time were those of Sinn Féin in the Northern Irish case and of EU representatives with regard to Scotland. Besides change over time, it found change between cases; the discourse of EU representatives in the Northern Irish case represents a departure from the Prodi/Barroso Doctrine that was prominent in the Catalan and Scottish case. The findings also suggest that the EU’s unwillingness to be involved in secessionist conflicts as well as the dismissal of post-secession EU membership has not necessarily discouraged regionalist parties from using the EU to underline the civic nature of minority nationalism; the parties under analysis continued to seek legitimacy for their cause at the European level through strong normative language, while professing adherence to the EU (values) and the democratic will of the people. Finally, the thesis shows that the EU may have started to adopt a more active stance in secessionist debates – undeniably so in the case of Northern Ireland.Show less
Abstract: This research offers an analysis of democracy promotion through the bottom-up approach in Egypt. It argues that a liberalized civil society would demand for democratic change. This...Show moreAbstract: This research offers an analysis of democracy promotion through the bottom-up approach in Egypt. It argues that a liberalized civil society would demand for democratic change. This research questions the extent of EU norms diffusion in order to liberalize civil societies. Consequently, it suggests linking normative goals, means, and impact to different diffusion strategies. It is found that the EU is in the starting phase of promoting democracy towards the Egyptian civil society. In order to expand the bottom-up approach, it should invest in its visibility and accessibility.Show less
This thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on...Show moreThis thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on the question whether continuities and discontinuities in the discourse indicate a successful or deficient construction of EU-Russian energy relations by the EU. This analysis shows that even though there are discontinuities between the two periods, these do not indicate a major failure in developing a suitable energy strategy. This evaluation is based on the result that the discontinuities found only represent shifts in the emphases on different elements of the discourse. The early discourse therefore already included most of the strategic elements that became necessary to deal properly with Russia and to ensure the EU’s energy security once the Crisis broke out.Show less
In the context of the Euromaidan and subsequent unrests leading to a war in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbass, this thesis examines the speeches of the country´s president, Petro Poroshenko...Show moreIn the context of the Euromaidan and subsequent unrests leading to a war in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbass, this thesis examines the speeches of the country´s president, Petro Poroshenko in the first 6 months of his presidency, the second half of 2014. This paper attempts to provide the answer to the following issues, employing critical discourse analysis as the methodology: it examines which form of nationalism, ethnic or civic, is more prevalent in the speeches. Moreover, it identifies the main themes and evaluates Poroshenko´s nation building mission while providing a chapter on the history of these contested forms of nationalism in Ukraine to offer a wider background of the examined issues. This study concluded that the prevalent form of nationalism is civic nationalism and identified anti-Russian rhetoric, the European path and using the war in Donbass as a means of uniting the people as the main topics. However, Poroshenko´s nation-building is defensive rather than proactive. It is largely based on anti-Russian narrative and the current war, but does not offer a viable and sustainable vision of nation-building in a long run, indicating that president Poroshenko is, like his predecessors, unable to resolve the internal division of Ukraine and create a strong national identity which would likely allow Ukraine to improve its economic and political situation.Show less
In the spring of 2016, Azerbaijan undertook a military campaign to conquer Nagorno-Karabakh. Although the estimated number of casualties, as well as the land taken by Azerbaijan differs per source,...Show moreIn the spring of 2016, Azerbaijan undertook a military campaign to conquer Nagorno-Karabakh. Although the estimated number of casualties, as well as the land taken by Azerbaijan differs per source, it is agreed that it is the most violent clash between Armenia and Azerbaijan since the 1994 ceasefire agreement was reached. This thesis will argue what the worsening economy of Azerbaijan and the shifts within its domestic political situation have moved Azerbaijan towards this escalation of the conflict. Using a state level of analysis, as well as an individual level of analysis, this thesis will analyse how the resource curse of Azerbaijan which backfired after the Oil Boom ended, combined with the increase in protests from the civilians, has led to the regime deciding to move to escalate its conflict with Armenia over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.Show less
After centuries of fierce resistance against Russian authority, Chechens have somehow stopped opposing the regime. Taking into account Chechnya’s past turbulent struggle for independence, the...Show moreAfter centuries of fierce resistance against Russian authority, Chechens have somehow stopped opposing the regime. Taking into account Chechnya’s past turbulent struggle for independence, the research question for this thesis is: Why have Chechens minimized their attempts to secede from Russia? The analysis uses a model of Sorens, based on the rational decision making of individuals, in order to uncover the current disincentives to secede for Chechen individuals. The analysis asserts that individuals need to be convinced of the benefits of independence, and need to believe that Chechnya could be a viable state on its own. The conclusion of this thesis is that there are a wide variety of considerations that have contributed to the demise of secessionism in Chechnya. The most important considerations are: firstly, that the economic and political costs of independence have come to outweigh the benefits; and secondly, that the costs of collective action have become too high due to the significant level of repression in Chechnya. This thesis aims to contribute to the existing academic literature on secessionism in general by showing that the concept is not as clear-cut as is often assumed, and that there are a wide variety of components that need to be taken into account.Show less
This thesis investigates various ways the other versus national self -setting is constructed in three Russian blockbuster movies: Flight Crew (2016), Viy (2014) and Legend no. 17 (2013). The...Show moreThis thesis investigates various ways the other versus national self -setting is constructed in three Russian blockbuster movies: Flight Crew (2016), Viy (2014) and Legend no. 17 (2013). The theoretical framework of othering will be employed as a device to analyze the movies. It is suggested that the varying others in various contexts of these movies each cause different aspects of Russian national identity to resurface and be emphasized. As especially mass-produced blockbuster movies are the major form of entertainment for a significantly wide audience, it is argued that they can provide valuable insight into how post-Russian national identity is being negotiated in Russia.Show less
The European Union has identified a lack of energy supply security. In terms of importing natural gas, the EU is highly dependent on Russia, an energy partner deemed as unreliable by the EU due to...Show moreThe European Union has identified a lack of energy supply security. In terms of importing natural gas, the EU is highly dependent on Russia, an energy partner deemed as unreliable by the EU due to multiple reasons. Therefore, the EU has stated the objective of improving its energy security, most notably through diversification of energy supply. As a solution, the EU is looking at Turkey as an energy transit partner to reduce dependency on Russia. But is Turkey a viable solution to the EU’s objective of gaining energy security through diversification of energy supply? The literature has yet to pay sufficient attention to the basis political principles which have to be met by the EU’s new energy partner. This thesis uses securitization theory and a discourse analysis focused on ‘frames’ to demonstrate that the EU acknowledges its threat related to energy security and pushes Turkey forward as their new energy partner. Consequently, this research fills the gap in the literature by predominantly focusing on political arguments related to Turkey’s (un)stability and (un)reliability to conclude that by hailing Turkey as their new energy partner, the EU risks falling into the trap of not learning lessons from the past: Turkey’s reliability might be(come) just as problematic as Russia’s.Show less
Using case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in...Show moreUsing case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in their relations with the European Union and Russia. This thesis evidences a noticeable shift in emphasis in the European Union’s primary documents relating to the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership after the Georgia/Russia war in 2008. After this war, the European Union’s ‘common values,’ more widely known as liberal values, become focal. Effectively, this emphasis on common vales has further distanced the European Union and Russia, an authoritarian state which has recently taken a ‘conservative turn.’ This widening distance between the EU and Russia has made existing between the two actors more difficult for the countries trapped in the in-between.Show less
This thesis presents the study of cultural policy and its value for achieving the EU 2020 goals. The research question is twofold: can cultural policy provide a useful addition to strict economic...Show moreThis thesis presents the study of cultural policy and its value for achieving the EU 2020 goals. The research question is twofold: can cultural policy provide a useful addition to strict economic policy? And is cultural policy valuable for achieving the EU 2020 targets? Underlying the research question is the assumption that cultural policy is marginalized in the EU policy domain and underestimated in what it is able to achieve. The methodology consists of document analysis and semi-structured interviews. Document analysis is conducted on EU, national and civil society level, accompanied by academic literature. The outcome of this study is that cultural policy is actually a very useful addition to narrow economic policy because it is vital to creative thinking and general wellbeing. With regard to the value of culture in achieving the EU 2020 targets, it is clear that creativity, innovation, and social inclusion lie at the basis of successfully achieving the smart, sustainable and inclusive targets. The use of cultural policy in achieving the EU 2020 targets can thus be considered highly valuable. Another outcome of this study is the need to apply a more holistic approach to EU policy objectives. The central objective of the EU should be the wellbeing of its citizens, not narrow economic growth. This also includes further integration of cultural policy within the EU. Suggestions for future research are better integration through the OMC, maybe even with introducing country-specific recommendation in cultural policy. Further research should be done on how to increase the financial funds for the Creative Europe programme, the cultural and creative spillover effects and inclusion of civil society in the cultural field.Show less
This dissertation examines the Europeanization processes of Kosovo and the European Union in the context of Kosovo’s potential candidacy. Although Europeanization approaches are now being applied...Show moreThis dissertation examines the Europeanization processes of Kosovo and the European Union in the context of Kosovo’s potential candidacy. Although Europeanization approaches are now being applied to countries that are not EU Member States, they still assess the domestic transformation of countries in specific policy areas. For this purpose, the objective of this study was to integrate the top-down, bottom-up and horizontal approaches to examine how processes of Europeanization occur as a result of a social interaction between Kosovo, the EU and EU Member States.Show less
