This thesis examines the link between social media and democratic backsliding in Europe, highlighting a paradox in European norms that allows democratic backsliding through social media platforms....Show moreThis thesis examines the link between social media and democratic backsliding in Europe, highlighting a paradox in European norms that allows democratic backsliding through social media platforms. Analyzing data from 2000 to 2024, it explores the roles of governments, populations, European institutions, and social media companies. The central question is whether current social media restrictions aimed at protecting democracy are justified. The study addresses the normative clash between freedom of expression and democratic integrity, questioning which should prevail. It also considers whether the EU can normatively and legally regulate social media to counteract autocracy. The thesis posits that current social media restrictions undermine freedom of speech and are overly restrictive, challenging their justification. This research aims to clarify the EU's authority to limit social media and its impact on upholding democratic norms.Show less
Transitional justice aims to address the aftermath of gross human rights violations and facilitate societal healing and recovery. Traditionally, transitional justice mechanisms have been state...Show moreTransitional justice aims to address the aftermath of gross human rights violations and facilitate societal healing and recovery. Traditionally, transitional justice mechanisms have been state-centric, relying on the capacity and will of states for their implementation. In fragile states—characterised by weak authority, capacity, and legitimacy—this approach often leads to an "implementation gap," where policies are designed but not enacted. This study explores the extent to which civil society can fill this gap. Focusing on Actoras de Cambio, a civil society organisation in post-war Guatemala, this research examines how civil society operates within this state-centric framework, evaluating its ability to fulfil the five pillars of transitional justice: truth-seeking, justice, reparation, memorialisation, and guarantees of non-recurrence. The findings suggest that civil society can effectively address truth-seeking, memorialisation, and psycho-social reparation, but faces limitations in delivering justice and guarantees of non-recurrence, areas requiring broader legal and structural reforms. These results underscore the importance of a synergistic approach between the state and civil society in transitional justice processes, particularly in fragile states. This research advocates for a more inclusive and holistic transitional justice framework, recognising the critical role of civil society in fragile states and informing more tailored international responses to mass atrocities.Show less
How the EU deals with regulating migration at its borders has been the subject of heated discussions for years. Headlines accentuating the dangers of immigration are ever-present. It is thus...Show moreHow the EU deals with regulating migration at its borders has been the subject of heated discussions for years. Headlines accentuating the dangers of immigration are ever-present. It is thus crucial to critically analyse these discourses’ origins, present features, and potential future consequences. This paper wants to investigate what securitisation of migration in the EU looks like in connection to the 2015 “refugee crisis”, and what consequences and compromises it led to, especially in terms of “formal informality”. Analysing EU-Libya relations, this thesis finds that a shift towards more securitised discourse starting from 2015 impacted informal measures, specifically through bilateral agreements such as the Italy-Libya Memorandum of 2017. Given recent backlash for the EU's management of external migration, and reports of mistreatments and abuses in migrant detention camps, this thesis aims at showing the importance of critically analysing discourse by EU institutions, in order to keep them accountable and prevent further rights violations.Show less
Over the past 20 years, successive French Presidents have attempted to break away from the stigma of Françafrique. Sarkozy in 2007, Hollande in 2012, and finally, Macron in 2017 all have...Show moreOver the past 20 years, successive French Presidents have attempted to break away from the stigma of Françafrique. Sarkozy in 2007, Hollande in 2012, and finally, Macron in 2017 all have articulated, convincing more or less the international community and African counterparts, their respective will to build Franco-African relations based on equality in rupture with neocolonialism. Have they succeeded? What drives current relations between France and African states? This thesis aims to dissect what characterizes the most recent French foreign policy on the African continent, specifically its discursive construction in a context where French influence has been internally and externally challenged. Drawing on French official speeches, this paper argues that despite a shift to a partial solidarity-driven status towards the African states, the fading away of the discursively produced position of a dominant France relative to Africa is still not being entirely eroded.Show less