This thesis examines the link between social media and democratic backsliding in Europe, highlighting a paradox in European norms that allows democratic backsliding through social media platforms....Show moreThis thesis examines the link between social media and democratic backsliding in Europe, highlighting a paradox in European norms that allows democratic backsliding through social media platforms. Analyzing data from 2000 to 2024, it explores the roles of governments, populations, European institutions, and social media companies. The central question is whether current social media restrictions aimed at protecting democracy are justified. The study addresses the normative clash between freedom of expression and democratic integrity, questioning which should prevail. It also considers whether the EU can normatively and legally regulate social media to counteract autocracy. The thesis posits that current social media restrictions undermine freedom of speech and are overly restrictive, challenging their justification. This research aims to clarify the EU's authority to limit social media and its impact on upholding democratic norms.Show less
Transitional justice aims to address the aftermath of gross human rights violations and facilitate societal healing and recovery. Traditionally, transitional justice mechanisms have been state...Show moreTransitional justice aims to address the aftermath of gross human rights violations and facilitate societal healing and recovery. Traditionally, transitional justice mechanisms have been state-centric, relying on the capacity and will of states for their implementation. In fragile states—characterised by weak authority, capacity, and legitimacy—this approach often leads to an "implementation gap," where policies are designed but not enacted. This study explores the extent to which civil society can fill this gap. Focusing on Actoras de Cambio, a civil society organisation in post-war Guatemala, this research examines how civil society operates within this state-centric framework, evaluating its ability to fulfil the five pillars of transitional justice: truth-seeking, justice, reparation, memorialisation, and guarantees of non-recurrence. The findings suggest that civil society can effectively address truth-seeking, memorialisation, and psycho-social reparation, but faces limitations in delivering justice and guarantees of non-recurrence, areas requiring broader legal and structural reforms. These results underscore the importance of a synergistic approach between the state and civil society in transitional justice processes, particularly in fragile states. This research advocates for a more inclusive and holistic transitional justice framework, recognising the critical role of civil society in fragile states and informing more tailored international responses to mass atrocities.Show less
Efforts to tackle the global climate crisis are increasingly complicated by the rise of right-wing populism (RWP) and persistent geopolitical crises. This paper investigates the understudied...Show moreEfforts to tackle the global climate crisis are increasingly complicated by the rise of right-wing populism (RWP) and persistent geopolitical crises. This paper investigates the understudied intersection of these challenges by analyzing how do right-wing populists use nationalist rhetoric to influence climate change action in times of geopolitical crisis? The question is explored with a focus on the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party of Poland, in particular its discourse in parliamentary committee sessions amidst the Russian war against Ukraine and subsequent energy crisis. Through a discourse analysis, it was found that the war served as a justification for PiS to concentrate on short-term solutions prioritizing fossil-fuel based energy security. Polish RWP capitalized on the war-induced crisis by using nationalist rhetoric to undermine the energy transition away from coal and EU climate measures. These findings underscore how geopolitical crises and political ideologies can create significant barriers to effective global climate action.Show less
Linkages between nature and nationalism are re-emerging, gaining momentum on the political agenda of far-right actors. To examine this intersection, this research employs the theoretical framework...Show moreLinkages between nature and nationalism are re-emerging, gaining momentum on the political agenda of far-right actors. To examine this intersection, this research employs the theoretical framework of Forchtner and Kølvraa (2015), focused on the aesthetic, material and symbolic dimensions of nature in nationalism. Considering the aforementioned elements, this analysis offers insights into the field of right-wing rhetoric using Poland as a case study. This paper finds that although these categories can be analytically productive, the reality of far-right communication showcases the interplay of these dimensions. In essence, this research displays how the far-right actors find justification for the nationalist narratives within the concept of nature by referencing the nation’s resource sovereignty, national identity, history or beauty of unspoiled natural landscapes.Show less
The European Union (EU) is facing a crisis of territorial integrity: one of its member states and several of its candidate members have had parts of their territory under occupation as a result of...Show moreThe European Union (EU) is facing a crisis of territorial integrity: one of its member states and several of its candidate members have had parts of their territory under occupation as a result of foreign aggression, with the occupation ongoing for an extended time period in each case. It is unclear whether action taken to recover territory from long-running occupation is legal under the law on self-defence. Treaty law does not rule out such an option, but its approval is implicit at best. Furthermore, publicists are split on the matter between those who favour the preservation of the right to self-defence throughout time, especially for weaker victims of aggression, and those who prefer to regard the restored peace and new status quo resulting from long-running occupation. These divisions warrant a turn to customary law for answers. A case study of state practice and opinio juris in the question of Cyprus, the sole member state of the EU under partial military occupation, reveals contrasting findings. The international community, through the positions of the United Nations (UN) Security Council and the General Assembly, has repeatedly condemned the occupation and considered any new status quo as illegal. At the same time, the Security Council undertook measures under Chapter VII of the UN Charter to cease the right of Cyprus to self-defence, including by non-forcible means, although these measures were ineffective in attaining the end of occupation and the withdrawal of unauthorised foreign troops from the island. This raises the question whether the formulation of Article 51, requiring “necessary action” by the Security Council to end the right to self-defence while not mentioning sufficiency, is adequate in cases of long-standing aggression.Show less
On the 24th of February 2022, Russia undertook the largest land invasion into a sovereign state since World War II. The unprecedented move was met with a swift deployment of economic tools to deter...Show moreOn the 24th of February 2022, Russia undertook the largest land invasion into a sovereign state since World War II. The unprecedented move was met with a swift deployment of economic tools to deter the invasion and increase Russia’s costs of sustaining the military effort in the long term. As a result of this economic warfare between Russia and the Global North, sovereign assets of more than 300 Billion US Dollars belonging to the Russian Central Bank (RCB) have been frozen. This constituted the largest seizure of sovereign assets since World War II. As of June 2024, calls in the United States and the European Union to use the RCB assets for Ukraine’s military and humanitarian efforts have only been amplifying. These voices neglect international legal perspectives- specifically from the Global South- which highlight the discourses on sovereign immunity and countermeasures. These voices probe the following questions: What do the RCB sanctions mean for the existing sovereign immunity regime? What is the validity of the countermeasures doctrine with regards to the RCB? And most importantly, what do such measures mean for Western financial hegemony? This thesis encapsulates all these legal discourses by asking the question: What is the legality of the Global North states’ sanctions against the Russian Central Bank?Show less
This thesis focuses on the potential of integrating the principles of Ubuntism into Good Governance techniques in order to re-legitimise democracy in South Africa. With the plea for unity and...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the potential of integrating the principles of Ubuntism into Good Governance techniques in order to re-legitimise democracy in South Africa. With the plea for unity and national reconciliation prompted by Nelson Mandela, the country now faces several challenges in preserving its democratic institutions amid rising authoritarianism in the region. This thesis utilises a normative comparative analysis of the UN Good Governance framework, and argues for the integration of the values inherent in Ubuntism, to propose a governance model that is more representative, inclusive, and effective. Further, through the use of value theory this thesis examines case studies exhibited by the UN Good Governance framework, in order to argue that values such as survival, compassion, and respect can combat corruption and state capture, ultimately enhancing the legitimacy of South Africa's present day democracy. This thesis acknowledges the limitations of its argument most notably: the narrow scope of strategies analysed and the absence of empirical research. However, it further calls for a more in- depth and extensive exploration of Ubuntism’s impact on governance. With the upcoming 2024 national elections in South Africa, this research highlights how imperative it is for structural changes in governance in order to prevent the erosion of its democratic principles. The integration of Ubuntism into governance ultimately offers a promising approach to addressing governance failures and fostering a more interconnected and accountable government within the country that inherently contributes to the broader fight against authoritarianism in Africa.Show less
