How the EU deals with regulating migration at its borders has been the subject of heated discussions for years. Headlines accentuating the dangers of immigration are ever-present. It is thus...Show moreHow the EU deals with regulating migration at its borders has been the subject of heated discussions for years. Headlines accentuating the dangers of immigration are ever-present. It is thus crucial to critically analyse these discourses’ origins, present features, and potential future consequences. This paper wants to investigate what securitisation of migration in the EU looks like in connection to the 2015 “refugee crisis”, and what consequences and compromises it led to, especially in terms of “formal informality”. Analysing EU-Libya relations, this thesis finds that a shift towards more securitised discourse starting from 2015 impacted informal measures, specifically through bilateral agreements such as the Italy-Libya Memorandum of 2017. Given recent backlash for the EU's management of external migration, and reports of mistreatments and abuses in migrant detention camps, this thesis aims at showing the importance of critically analysing discourse by EU institutions, in order to keep them accountable and prevent further rights violations.Show less
Over the past 20 years, successive French Presidents have attempted to break away from the stigma of Françafrique. Sarkozy in 2007, Hollande in 2012, and finally, Macron in 2017 all have...Show moreOver the past 20 years, successive French Presidents have attempted to break away from the stigma of Françafrique. Sarkozy in 2007, Hollande in 2012, and finally, Macron in 2017 all have articulated, convincing more or less the international community and African counterparts, their respective will to build Franco-African relations based on equality in rupture with neocolonialism. Have they succeeded? What drives current relations between France and African states? This thesis aims to dissect what characterizes the most recent French foreign policy on the African continent, specifically its discursive construction in a context where French influence has been internally and externally challenged. Drawing on French official speeches, this paper argues that despite a shift to a partial solidarity-driven status towards the African states, the fading away of the discursively produced position of a dominant France relative to Africa is still not being entirely eroded.Show less
Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found...Show moreSince the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found to pursue a foreign policy strategy of strategic hedging between China as a rising power, and the United States (US) as their long-time ally. However, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region also plays a key role in the execution of this New Silk Road. Despite this, there is a gap in the literature regarding how these states may respond to the rise of China through this new initiative. Egypt, which holds a significant position in the transportation routes due to its dominance of the Suez Canal, is a key player in this initiative, but remains overlooked in discussion about the BRI’s role in the new world order. Therefore, this thesis aims to investigate to what extent Egypt is using the BRI and increased Chinese influence to hedge against the US. Drawing on the emerging theory of strategic hedging, this study assesses the theory’s applicability to the case study of Egypt as a secondary power in the MENA region. Through qualitative analysis of key economic and military factors, as well as expert interviews, this analysis provides two main findings. Firstly, Egypt is pursuing a hedging strategy towards the US through increased economic engagement with China. Secondly, this strategy is characterized by economic hedging, a less competitive form of hedging that allows Egypt to maintain relatively more positive relations with the US. Finally, this thesis suggests that further research should focus on detailed data regarding Egyptian domestic factors, and the applicability of hedging to other BRI participants in the MENA region, to provide a more comprehensive exploration of strategic hedging in International Relations (IR) theory.Show less
There is a strong upward trend in the amounts spent on development aid. In 2022, the total amount of Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) was five times higher than in 1960. The European Union is...Show moreThere is a strong upward trend in the amounts spent on development aid. In 2022, the total amount of Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) was five times higher than in 1960. The European Union is responsible for about two-thirds of humanitarian aid worldwide. However, it is questionable whether development aid is actually effective. A ‘least-likely case’ is Nigeria, it received 9 billion euros from the EU in the period of 2007-2024. Yet it has one of the worst development factors in Sub-Saharan Africa. This Thesis aims to find an answer to the question of whether European development aid was really effective in Nigeria, and whether the targets the European Union set itself were actually achieved. This is done by using the National Indicative Programme (NIP) that ran from 2014-2020. The analysis shows that despite achieving some of the objectives examined in the health care sector, the NIP has mostly failed to achieve the desired impact. Primarily, the high level of corruption ensured that few development objectives have been realized. Therefore, it can be concluded that European Development aid has not really been effective. For further research, it would be valuable to look at the Multi-Annual Indicative Programme (MIP) that runs from 2021-2027. Here, slightly different targets have been set that may give different results. In addition, it may be of added value to conduct a study of how Nigerian agencies report, since there are sometimes substantial differences between the observations of NGOs and these agencies, which can lead to different interpretations. This could possibly engender a different observation of aid effectiveness as well.Show less
