According to the literature on social capital, associations are important sites where individuals learn democratic values such as political tolerance. Over the past decades, traditional...Show moreAccording to the literature on social capital, associations are important sites where individuals learn democratic values such as political tolerance. Over the past decades, traditional associations in Western democracies have seen their memberships decline. In addition, people spend more time online, resulting in fears that people may become detached and less politically tolerant. This study examines if offline and online activity reinforce one another, that is, if individuals who are active both online and offline show higher levels of political tolerance. There is a positive relationship between the two variables, although the findings are not significant.Show less
This thesis analyzes the development of social movements in China since the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's reforms. A comparison of the democracy movements of the 1980s and the labour movements of...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the development of social movements in China since the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's reforms. A comparison of the democracy movements of the 1980s and the labour movements of the 2000s is the central focus of the paper with special attention given to the role of the media, and social networking, in the development of these movements. It is argued that both movements share the strikingly similar grievances and methods of organization, and that the media, despite its continuing liberalization, continues to play only a marginal role.Show less
To what extent is the State allowed to legitimately limit property rights in order to combat climate change? In this thesis I explore the libertarian concept of absolute property. By showing that...Show moreTo what extent is the State allowed to legitimately limit property rights in order to combat climate change? In this thesis I explore the libertarian concept of absolute property. By showing that this concept is a myth we can find a way to legitimize state intervention. In this thesis I come to the conclusion that libertarian property rights aren't sufficiently justified, meaning I'll have to offer a different basis for property rights: usufructuary righs.Show less
In this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African...Show moreIn this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African regional cooperation are tested. Academic writing combining these two topics can hardly be found, creating a gap in the literature that this thesis seeks to fill. In analysing the historical development of the three theories, a set of indicators for each is constructed, leading to the formulation of hypotheses that are tested in the African case. The main driving force behind African integration in the 1950s and 1960s was the Pan- African movement calling for independence of African states and the end of colonialism. This ideologically driven movement was supported by a transnational elite pushing for regional cooperation. The main actors in creating the Organization of African Unity, the African Economic Community and the African Union were national leaders, basing their efforts both on Pan-African reasoning and on the maximization of national gains. The neofunctionalists’ main claim of spillover effects occurring in the integration process leading to wider and deeper cooperation cannot be proved, neither seems the role of supranational institutions to be of importance. This leads to the conclusion that a combination of federalist assumptions and liberal intergovernmentalist claims provides the best explanation for African integration.Show less
The subject of this thesis consists of the search for an educational answer to the challenges posed to citizenship by globalization, first of all the broader scope of political obligation (i.e. to...Show moreThe subject of this thesis consists of the search for an educational answer to the challenges posed to citizenship by globalization, first of all the broader scope of political obligation (i.e. to citizens of other countries) related to the international impact of national political decisions. To this question no institutional answer is considered possible. This essay presents three possible designs of a programme for citizenship education fit for the 21th century: one based on political-liberalism, one based on nationalism and one based on cosmopolitanism. After this, it is concluded that only a cosmopolitan programma can provide citizens with the right tools to cope with the challenges of globalization, because it can both create a feeling of belonging to a political community and facilitate mutual respect among people that have a different conception of the good life.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and...Show moreThe concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and wanted process. However, is that the case in reality? The question researched here is: why do governments engage in national post-conflict reconciliation strategies? This study reviews two post-conflict situations where a reconciliation process was initiated; Rwanda and Sierra Leone. We aim to determine on what factors governments base their choices regarding reconciliation. The cases are examined from a legalist and pragmatist approach. Legalists argue that states choose reconciliation and justice because they believe in the international norms it represents, because they believe in the preventive and deterrent effect of justice and the educational example it can be. Pragmatists however, argue that states choose reconciliation on the basis of self-interest and the distribution of political power. They also argue that states not always believe in the necessity of reconciliation and acknowledge the usefulness of amnesties. The cases of Rwanda and Sierra Leone demonstrate that the choice for reconciliation cannot be fully explained from the legalist approach but are better understood from the pragmatist point of view. Both situations show that the choice of a state for reconciliation is based on different factors that can be summarized as the concept ´the politics of reconciliation´. The government of Rwanda uses the fear of the population for a future genocide in order to keep tight control over the country. The reconciliation initiatives are used to keep track of anything that is going on in society that could be a potential threat and to teach the RPF ideology in order to keep a firm grip on political power. Sierra Leone is influenced by the international community that demands post-conflict reconciliation. It has been argued that one of the origins of the Sierra Leone conflict was poverty and the country has the desire to reconstruct its economy for which a high amount of external investment is needed. These reasons fit within the idea of pragmatists, that actors base their choices upon self-interests, in these cases ensuring political power and attracting external investment.Show less
This thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation...Show moreThis thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation of ethnic Russians in Estonia and Latvia present a puzzle that has yet to be explained. Language is a factor that has traditionally been ignored by scholars of political participation. However, this thesis argues that it is key to understanding different patterns of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. This thesis argues that the higher level of titular language proficiency among Russian minorities in Latvia has given them a distinct advantage over Russian minorities in Estonia. This is because government legislation affords the titular languages an elevated status in both countries. No such concessions are made for minority languages such as Russian. Firstly, this thesis explains why the Russian minorities in the two countries have different levels of titular language proficiency. Secondly, it reveals why language proficiency is a necessity for those who wish to participate in parliamentary politics. It uses a wide range of government legislation including citizenship laws, constitutions and language laws to demonstrate that linguistic proficiency is not only required for citizenship, but also for participation in parliamentary politics. This thesis ultimately reveals that the introduction of just one official language in two countries with such large minority groups has served to automatically disadvantage a significant proportion of the population from participating in politics and that differences between the two counties are likely to remain for some time unless Russian is introduced as a second official language.Show less
Thesis about the influence of civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Srpska Republic compared to Macedonia. Civil war seems to have no measureable impact on the social trust, political trust and...Show moreThesis about the influence of civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Srpska Republic compared to Macedonia. Civil war seems to have no measureable impact on the social trust, political trust and political tolerance variables.Show less
From 1991 and onwards, Ethiopia has gone through a political transition using ethnicity as the fundamental principle for organizing a federal government. The transition of this change ended in the...Show moreFrom 1991 and onwards, Ethiopia has gone through a political transition using ethnicity as the fundamental principle for organizing a federal government. The transition of this change ended in the newly elected government in August 1995. The country is divided into nine separate federal states based on ethnic identity. The change of the political structure of the country has been radical and pioneering. Radical, in the sense that Ethiopia used to be a centralized and unitary state. Pioneering, in the sense that it has gone further than any African state, and further than 'almost any other state worldwide' (Clapham 2002: 27) in using ethnicity as the principle for organizing the federal state system (Turton 2006: 1). This change was meant to mark a beginning for a more democratized society after decades of political suppression and authoritarianism. Thus, this radical and pioneering, yet fundamental change in the society was received with hopefulness of a better and more democratic tomorrow in Ethiopia. This thesis will look at how the Ethiopian quest for democratization has succeeded.Show less
Politics should be brought closer to the citizens and democracy will improve as a result. This is a widely shared opinion among Dutch political parties. Another widely shared opinion is that the...Show morePolitics should be brought closer to the citizens and democracy will improve as a result. This is a widely shared opinion among Dutch political parties. Another widely shared opinion is that the municipality is closest to the citizens. From these notions political parties draw the logical conclusion that decentralizing roles and powers to municipalities enhances democracy. Central in this thesis is the question whether the political parties are right and that from the perspective of democracy local politics are closest to the citizen indeed. Political parties differ in their interpretations of the word ‘closer’. By combining these interpretations with different perspectives on democracy I have identified three aspects by which the central research question can be investigated: representation, political involvement and responsiveness. On these three aspects I have compared local politics to national and provincial politics. For this comparison I have used evidence from existing surveys and inquiries and actual data. I have found little evidence that local politics are closer to the citizens than national politics. The Dutch Lower House is more representative than the average municipal council, except for the point of education. Citizens themselves believe national politics to be more important and they are more interested in national politics. National politics play a larger role in the municipal elections than local politcs do. The turnout in local elections is lower than in national elections. The knowledge of local politics is probably lower than the knowledge of national politics. However citizens are satisfied with their local authority, especially when it comes to services.Show less
Analysis of the breakdown of Thai democracy in September 2006. Based on general theroretical axiomas on democratic consolidation and democratic breakdown a qualitative and a quantitative analysis...Show moreAnalysis of the breakdown of Thai democracy in September 2006. Based on general theroretical axiomas on democratic consolidation and democratic breakdown a qualitative and a quantitative analysis are used to provide possible causes for the breakdown of democracy in Thailand. Economical circumstances, the interpretation of democracy or socialization cannot be identified as causes for the breakdown. Especially interesting is that income and appreciation of democracy are correlated negatively in Thailand in 2002 and 2006. From 2002 to 2006 interpersonal trust is decreased while distrust has increased.Show less
This thesis sets up a model for political tolerance among minority groups in the Netherlands, which consists of two dimensions. The first determines whether the group has been a victim of...Show moreThis thesis sets up a model for political tolerance among minority groups in the Netherlands, which consists of two dimensions. The first determines whether the group has been a victim of discrimination and because of their struggles the individuals have grown more tolerant towards others. The other dimension is the division between bridging and bonding networks, with the latter making people less tolerant. This research confirms the second assumption, but not the first.Show less
Since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case...Show moreSince the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case of Libya reveals that the EU is still torn when it comes to questions of foreign policy and especially the deployments of military troops. Within the last twenty years, a number of international crises have pointed out the deficiencies of the EU with regard to these issues. With this thesis, I aim to find reasons for the inability of the EU in questions of foreign policy, and particularly military action-taking within an EU framework. I argue that the role of Germany in this context is rather crucial. As the largest and most powerful member state, Germany’s position has a large influence on the actions of the EU. Germany has been very reluctant towards using military power after the horrible events in World War II (WWII), and hence, I pose the research question: ‘To what extent does Germany’s aversion to the use of military power due to historic reasons affect the EU’s ability to speak with a common voice on issues of security and defense?’ My main argument is the following: ‘The inability of the EU to speak with a common voice with regard to military action is due to several aspects, with the largest influence being Germany’s aversion to use military power due to reasons of guilt and the country’s history’. In my thesis I find that a number of reasons may influence the inability of the EU to speak with a common voice; however, the largest effect seems to have Germany and the country’s still-existing reluctance towards using military means due to its history and consequential guilt sentiments.Show less
Abstract A much debated question is the question whether or not politicians follow public opinion. This research tries to shed light on that question, by investigating if politicians follow the...Show moreAbstract A much debated question is the question whether or not politicians follow public opinion. This research tries to shed light on that question, by investigating if politicians follow the public in the area of political tolerance. However, instead of linking thoughts about political tolerance among the public with thoughts of politicians, this research tries to link thoughts about political tolerance among the public with actions conducted by politicians. In other words, do politicians act more (or less) tolerant when the public is more (or less) tolerant? This question is investigated by doing a content analysis of state of the union addresses. These results are then compared with survey results considering political tolerance among the public to see whether or not there is a relationship between the two variables. After this analysis, it is concluded that the level of political tolerance among the public, and the level of tolerance in actions conducted by politicians are negatively related, where actions by politicians become more (less) tolerant when the public is less (more) tolerant.Show less
