The European Parliament elections in the spring of 2014 witnessed the victory of eurosceptic far right parties, especially in France, Denmark and the United Kingdom. Consequently, the incredible...Show moreThe European Parliament elections in the spring of 2014 witnessed the victory of eurosceptic far right parties, especially in France, Denmark and the United Kingdom. Consequently, the incredible ascent of eurosceptic attitudes in the public debate has put the question of the causes of such a development at the forefront of European Union studies. Academia has identified a multiplicity of factors for the formation of eurosceptic attitudes in EU member-states. Indeed, causes for popular anti-EU feelings range from identity attachment, rational economic calculus, level of education, social transnationalism, and reception of political cues. Party-based euroscepticism is conceived to be the result of ideological positioning and politicisation strategies by extreme parties on the political spectrum to reap electoral mandates and gain visibility. The present study offers a general model for political thought formation by approaching euroscepticism as a narrative exercised in the public sphere. Anti-EU discourse is mutually constructed by party competition in the national political arena, the media filter and public civil society. The case study of the Front National’s campaign in 2014, reveals that the party used populist tactics, such as an anti-elite stance, to capture the popular vote. The incorporation of EU issues into its ideological rationale, embodying the defence of national sovereignty, cultural homogeneity and economic self-determination, has amplified the anti-EU discourse in public debate. Yet, populist strategies of the Front National are insufficient in explaining French eurosceptic attitudes. They evolve in a particular climate whereby a narrative of decline is sustained by the media, which taps into individual feelings of insecurity in social, cultural and economic terms.Show less
The trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed....Show moreThe trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed. 2009:3), stresses China its focus on economic win-win situations (Hackenesch, 2011). Yet, as the EU and China have increasing shared interests, a more pragmatic approach to their foreign policies is emerging. China is slowly engaging with normative principles, for instance it has accepted the universality of human rights and has joined several international human rights conventions. The state is more open to normative principles, even though China promotes sovereignty and collective rights over international intervention and individual rights (Pu, 2013). A more pragmatic approach to foreign policy can enable and support trilateral cooperation in explicit areas such as security. Examples of currently existing trilateral cooperation are the joint fight against piracy in the Gulf of Aden, measures against the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW) and the peacekeeping mission in Mali. Also, the EU currently discusses China’s novel initiative for a modern-day silk road, known as the ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative and which has been called “the most ambitious infrastructure-based security initiative in the world today”. The title of this work ‘Here Be Dragons’ refers to unexplored and ‘dangerous’ gaps between the EU’s capabilities and its expectations. The purpose of the thesis is to examine the EU’s foreign policy performance, in particular its response to China’s growing presence in Africa, through the lens of the capability-expectations gap theory. According to Hill, a gap exists between what the EU ‘talks about’ and what the EU actually is able to accomplish. This study investigates how the EU’s agenda on trilateral cooperation with China and Africa changed since the entering in to force of the Lisbon Treaty, whether a capability-expectations gap exist regarding the EU’s security relations with China in Africa, and if so, how the EU could establish more effective cooperation the field of security and thus close this gap.Show less
This thesis presents the study of cultural policy and its value for achieving the EU 2020 goals. The research question is twofold: can cultural policy provide a useful addition to strict economic...Show moreThis thesis presents the study of cultural policy and its value for achieving the EU 2020 goals. The research question is twofold: can cultural policy provide a useful addition to strict economic policy? And is cultural policy valuable for achieving the EU 2020 targets? Underlying the research question is the assumption that cultural policy is marginalized in the EU policy domain and underestimated in what it is able to achieve. The methodology consists of document analysis and semi-structured interviews. Document analysis is conducted on EU, national and civil society level, accompanied by academic literature. The outcome of this study is that cultural policy is actually a very useful addition to narrow economic policy because it is vital to creative thinking and general wellbeing. With regard to the value of culture in achieving the EU 2020 targets, it is clear that creativity, innovation, and social inclusion lie at the basis of successfully achieving the smart, sustainable and inclusive targets. The use of cultural policy in achieving the EU 2020 targets can thus be considered highly valuable. Another outcome of this study is the need to apply a more holistic approach to EU policy objectives. The central objective of the EU should be the wellbeing of its citizens, not narrow economic growth. This also includes further integration of cultural policy within the EU. Suggestions for future research are better integration through the OMC, maybe even with introducing country-specific recommendation in cultural policy. Further research should be done on how to increase the financial funds for the Creative Europe programme, the cultural and creative spillover effects and inclusion of civil society in the cultural field.Show less
After years of integration in other sectors, the member states decided to include foreign and defence policy to EU cooperation. Therefore, it is now, after a few decades, a good moment to look...Show moreAfter years of integration in other sectors, the member states decided to include foreign and defence policy to EU cooperation. Therefore, it is now, after a few decades, a good moment to look critically at what has been achieved in this sector of EU defence cooperation. With this reason, this thesis will approach the question, why do the member states want defence integration to happen in smaller groups? This question can be split in multiple sub-questions. Firstly, could reaction of the member states be out of discontent of how cooperation is functioning on a EU-level? Secondly, does the EU allow the member states to continue in smaller groups, instead of moving forward as a Union? These question will be approached by using a variety of documents. For example, not only the EU perspective but also the national interests of member states and the vision of experts on defence integration should be taken into consideration as well as useful sources for this thesis. Furthermore by looking at theories of defence integration in the EU, such as, Institutionalism, constructivism and realist theory, this thesis will try to find the motives for defence integration. Using the patterns of the theory will make it easier to analyse and compare the cases that will be included in this thesis. The three selected cases are from a different scale. From cooperation on a Union-level to bilateral cooperation and integration. As a result, this thesis has to add additional information and perspectives on the integration of defence within the EU.Show less
Since the advent of the 2014 EU Parliamentary Election, the rise of nationalist parties and growing Euroscepticism is highly visible across the continent (European Commission, 2014b). Several...Show moreSince the advent of the 2014 EU Parliamentary Election, the rise of nationalist parties and growing Euroscepticism is highly visible across the continent (European Commission, 2014b). Several studies have tried to find reasons for the increased concern and distrust towards EU policies, among which are the euro-crisis, strict austerity measures and insecurities towards immigrants (Treib, 2014). It is however worth to “look beyond traditional explanations” and look into the role the media might have played and still plays (De Vreese 2007, p. 272). There is a general agreement that the media are an important source of information for the public and therefore also contribute to shaping views on EU politics. Despite this common wisdom, academic literature in that area is scarce and rather fragmented (Hawkins, 2012; De Vreese 2007). The few existing studies, however, suggest that framing in news coverage has a significant impact on people’s opinion and is key to understand Euroscepticism (e.g. Van Spanje and De Vreese, 2014; Hawkins, 2012). Since EU’s citizens and their attitudes are crucial for the future support of the project (Van Spanje and De Vreese, 2011), the topic of this thesis focuses on the role of frames, used in media coverage on EU topics as potential predictors of people’s opinions on the EU. Since journalistic cultures are different across countries and might therefore influence EU citizens differently, findings will be compared across nations. Awareness of these effects can be of practical relevance not only for academics but also for EU policy makers wishing to bridge the communicative gap between the EU’s institutions and its citizens, a starting point to enhance democratic legitimacy.Show less
The acceleration of developments in the European defence dimension in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s has inspired some to believe that the policy area is moving away from its rigidly...Show moreThe acceleration of developments in the European defence dimension in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s has inspired some to believe that the policy area is moving away from its rigidly intergovernmental character to a more supranational path of integration. This research contradicts that suggestion. The case of defence industrial lobbying for research funds shows a cooperative relation between the European Commission and the defence industry, which indicates that neo-functionalist patterns are indeed present in the defence dimension of the EU. However, these neo-functionalist patterns have only occurred in a policy area that has to be regarded as ‘low politics’. As such, this case suggests that the conventional view that the integration of the European defence dimension can best be explained from an intergovernmentalist perspective.Show less
This thesis explored the lobbying dynamics of under resourced interest groups. An interest group is considered fully under resourced when it lacks sufficient financial and other organisational...Show moreThis thesis explored the lobbying dynamics of under resourced interest groups. An interest group is considered fully under resourced when it lacks sufficient financial and other organisational resources and policy-relevant information, has limited access to policy makers and does not represent stakeholders of political or economic importance. To assess how being under resourced affects the choice and effectiveness of lobby strategies, a literature review was combined with a case study. Little has been written about under resourced lobbying in particular. The current literature does, however, provide insights about the effect of resource dependencies on lobbying dynamics. Resource dependency, niche and influence theory explain how resources are essential for lobbyists to stay in business and to gain influence and thus affect their behaviour. The case study of the lobbying process of the European Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) association UEAPME made it evident that being under resourced affects the behaviour and chances to get influence of interest groups. Because studying the role of under resourced interest groups provides insights about the democratic legitimacy of the political system of the EU, the author recommends doing further research on the topic.Show less
Since the digital revolution of the early 2000’s, the amount of online personal data has grown exponentially. Thanks to services such as e-mail, online shopping and social media, (private)...Show moreSince the digital revolution of the early 2000’s, the amount of online personal data has grown exponentially. Thanks to services such as e-mail, online shopping and social media, (private) companies gather more and more personal information of their users. This is not only interesting for commercial parties; authorities are, in the context of combating terrorism, more interested in this kind of information. This has also put the right to privacy under a lot of pressure. Data protection in the European Union has been successful, through the Safe Harbor Principles, the EU was capable of creating a framework of rules safeguarding privacy and data protection for US based companies operating in Europe. However, it was not capable of dealing with the rapid changes of the digital revolution and the urge for more security after the nine-eleven terrorist attacks in 2001. Many questions were raised over the effectiveness of data protection in the post nine-eleven era, with the Snowden revelations as the absolute low point. The Snowden revelations have lead to the case Schrems v. Data Protection Officer, where the Safe Harbor Principles were put in question. This thesis attempts to investigate the validity of the Safe Harbor Principles through examining various pieces of case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union. The results are surprising; throughout the years, many inconsistencies and legal uncertainties emerged which do pose a threat to the Safe Harbor Principles.Show less
Regionalism and independence movements are rising in the European Union. Referendums have been held in Scotland and Catalonia of which only the referendum in Scotland was legally binding. The...Show moreRegionalism and independence movements are rising in the European Union. Referendums have been held in Scotland and Catalonia of which only the referendum in Scotland was legally binding. The Scottish people voted NO to independence, while the referendum in Catalonia, which was illegal according to the Spanish constitution, showed a clear YES vote. These developments show various differences in the way how and why the independence movements seek the goal of independence. Both Catalonia and Scotland want the same, becoming independent and become a member of the European Union. These two case studies are extensively analyzed, using qualitative research, discourse analysis and the method of process tracing. Findings reveal that regional disparities, historical en cultural past, which are encouraged by the Euro crisis, are important motives for the regions seeking independence. While seeking independence these regions state that self-determination of the people living in those regions, is a fundamental issue which should give them access to the European Union. Self-determination of regions however exists in a tense relation with the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity that form the foundation of the international system of states. This is why the European Union has made more of less clear statements that continued membership for regions, seceding from an European Union member state, is not possible. The European Union commented on this issue most notably through Romano Prodi, Vivine Reding and José-Manuel Barroso that secession of a part of the territory of a Member State entails an automatic exit of that territory from the European Union. These comments were political, non-juridical, in nature. Of course there are juridical consequences too. Secession by its very nature implies conflict with the legal framework of the European Union. The fact is that there are no provisions in European Union law or treaties on secession of regions from European Union member states. Besides there are negative consequences involved for the people of the regions the European Union and its institutions if a region becomes independent, which effects I shall point out in this thesis. There are alternative ways to resolve or to diminish the regional strive for secession. Possibly devolution of powers and decentralization would be a democratic alternative too.Show less
This dissertation examines the Europeanization processes of Kosovo and the European Union in the context of Kosovo’s potential candidacy. Although Europeanization approaches are now being applied...Show moreThis dissertation examines the Europeanization processes of Kosovo and the European Union in the context of Kosovo’s potential candidacy. Although Europeanization approaches are now being applied to countries that are not EU Member States, they still assess the domestic transformation of countries in specific policy areas. For this purpose, the objective of this study was to integrate the top-down, bottom-up and horizontal approaches to examine how processes of Europeanization occur as a result of a social interaction between Kosovo, the EU and EU Member States.Show less
The Netherlands is geographically and historically highly concerned with the maritime domain. Major involvement in the Atalanta mission and the BeNeSam cooperation shows the Dutch encouragement to...Show moreThe Netherlands is geographically and historically highly concerned with the maritime domain. Major involvement in the Atalanta mission and the BeNeSam cooperation shows the Dutch encouragement to collaborate with other countries when covering the subject of maritime security. The current Dutch EU Presidency is after the introduction of the EUMSS a good opportunity to see what the Dutch are doing with the issue of maritime security at EU level. Therefore, maritime security on the EU level and the role of the Netherlands will be the focus of this thesis. This thesis will cover the subject of the increasing interest in maritime security on EU level. The Atalanta mission and the BeNeSam show the Dutch encouragement to collaborate with other countries within the domain of maritime security. Therefore, the topic of this thesis is European maritime security and the role of the Netherlands. The research question is; what can the Netherlands ‘upload’ to European maritime security cooperation? European maritime security is something that is still developing and because of the new focus to maritime security in the EU, this thesis will also look how the Netherlands can shape European maritime security cooperation at the moment. In order to answer this research question this thesis will look at the Dutch position within European maritime security cooperation.Show less
The rise of Islamic State in the Middle East and the growing levels of religiously motivated attacks by European-born Muslims have illustrated a rising radicalisation trend in those domestic...Show moreThe rise of Islamic State in the Middle East and the growing levels of religiously motivated attacks by European-born Muslims have illustrated a rising radicalisation trend in those domestic communities. This points towards some of the results of integration policies in the European Union, thus demonstrating a necessity for a re-examination of those initiatives in the context of the current political and social environment. This is especially relevant for Britain and France who are amongst the countries with the biggest Muslim communities in the European Union. Therefore, this paper will use those two countries as case studies and examine how their domestic social and political environment has shaped the identity of their Muslim communities. The paper will also examine the various initiatives that both the British and French governments have tried to introduce to facilitate the integration of those groups. The analysis will likewise encompass the impact that those policies have on the wider population. As a secondary case study, this paper will explore the capabilities and limitations imposed on the EU by the Treaties (Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union and Treaties of the European Union).Show less
After the mid-1980s, it became necessary to harmonise asylum policy of the European Union (EU) due to the increasing number of asylum applications and the removal of internal borders between the...Show moreAfter the mid-1980s, it became necessary to harmonise asylum policy of the European Union (EU) due to the increasing number of asylum applications and the removal of internal borders between the Member States. To this end, Member States firstly approximated their asylum policies through intergovernmental initiatives and then gradually communitarised asylum policy of the EU via treaty reforms. The Amsterdam Treaty put asylum policy, for the first time, under the Community competence and subsequent treaties further increased EU’s competence. Meanwhile, the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) has been established under three multi-annual programmes, namely the Tampere, the Hague and the Stockholm Programmes. This thesis explores to what extent the Member States have transferred their competence in asylum policy to the EU in particular since 1999 when the Amsterdam Treaty came into force and the CEAS was introduced. It accordingly analyses both primary and secondary EU law on asylum with a critical legal approach. The development of the common European asylum policy and its gradual shift from the national to the intergovernmental and eventually to the supranational level resulting from the transfer of competence are also analysed from a neo-functionalist perspective.Show less
