Language has the capacity to make politics, create narratives and impact policy making (Hajer, 2006). In the study of foreign policy, discourses define the issues at stake, create a sense of shared...Show moreLanguage has the capacity to make politics, create narratives and impact policy making (Hajer, 2006). In the study of foreign policy, discourses define the issues at stake, create a sense of shared ‘common knowledge’ and legitimize foreign policies as necessary and plausible (Hansen, 2013, 2016). When the Ukrainian crisis breaks out in 2014, Europe is confronted with one of the most complex situations for decades. The sense of urgency increases for one member state in particular when flight MH17 is shot down above Ukraine. Losing almost 200 citizens in the crash, the Netherlands suddenly becomes a central actor in this conflict. The literature, however, pays little attention to the domestic political debates regarding Ukraine. Moreover, the role of parliaments and oppositional political parties in foreign policy is under-accounted for. Therefore, this thesis analyses whether and how discourses are reflected in the Dutch foreign policy debate since the Ukrainian crisis and what role the parliament and political parties play in Dutch foreign policy. A discourse analysis is conducted to see what discourses are reflected in the parliamentary debates. This studies shows that identity-policy constructions – articulated through discourses – are crucial for defining and legitimizing Dutch foreign policies. Furthermore, it finds that the Government’s official foreign policy discourse is influenced and constrained by oppositional discourses that stress the normative and geopolitical aspects of Dutch foreign policy. Hence, this study provides new insight into the role of discourse in the wider political debate in the Netherlands. Though this thesis establishes that the parliament and political parties matter in this specific case, more research is needed on the role of parliaments and political parties to make generalizable conclusions for foreign policy more broadly.Show less
The EU-Turkey Agreement of March 2016 was concluded by the EU Member States and not by the EU itself. This work tests what that fact says about the validity of the theory of Normative Power Europe...Show moreThe EU-Turkey Agreement of March 2016 was concluded by the EU Member States and not by the EU itself. This work tests what that fact says about the validity of the theory of Normative Power Europe by using an interdisciplinary approach of historical, political, sociatal and legal narratives of the EU-Turkey Agreement.Show less
By conducting socio-legal research comprised of an internal legal doctrinal approach and an external moral approach, this thesis analyses the extent to which the EU is obligated to enact...Show moreBy conducting socio-legal research comprised of an internal legal doctrinal approach and an external moral approach, this thesis analyses the extent to which the EU is obligated to enact legislation on the recognition of same-sex legal relationships from a legal and moral dimension. The internal legal doctrinal approach locates and analyses the ECtHR’s case law and explicates three legal doctrines demonstrating the ECtHR’s interpretive ethic. This thesis will use the necessary flexibility provided by the legal doctrines to develop and improve the interpretation of the ECHR in order to safeguard the universal enjoyment of the right to respect for family life under Article 8 of the ECHR. The external moral approach illustrates the underlying heteronormative structures of society and the institutionalised system of law within the frameworks of constructivism and queer theory. Following the internal legal doctrinal and external moral approach, this thesis shows discrepancies between law in theory and law in practice and presents reconstructive recommendations in line with legal and social reality to solve these discrepancies. It provides compelling arguments and justifiable means for the ECtHR to broaden the notion of family life within the meaning of Article 8 to include marital same-sex legal relationships, thereby extending the positive obligation flowing from Article 8 with the aim of improving the substantive rights of same-sex couples in the EU and to safeguard the universal enjoyment of Article 8.Show less
The nearly three decades long Macedonian Name Dispute was the biggest obstacle for North Macedonia on its path towards not only Euro-Atlantic integration, but world recognition as well. This thesis...Show moreThe nearly three decades long Macedonian Name Dispute was the biggest obstacle for North Macedonia on its path towards not only Euro-Atlantic integration, but world recognition as well. This thesis analyzes the role which two seemingly unrelated to the name dispute events, had in precipitating the resolution of Skopje’s bitter feud with Athens. By establishing the historical context behind the name dispute, in addition to providing a detailed analysis of the 2017 Bulgarian-Macedonian Friendship Treaty and the 2018 Bulgarian Presidency of the Council of the EU, this study uncovers one of the many factors that led to the signing of the 2018 Prespa Agreement, which marked the official conclusion of the 27 years long Macedonian Name Dispute.Show less
This study examines the impact of recently introduced personal data protection legislation of the European Union (EU) on the development of artificial intelligence (AI) in Europe. It compares the...Show moreThis study examines the impact of recently introduced personal data protection legislation of the European Union (EU) on the development of artificial intelligence (AI) in Europe. It compares the competitive position of the EU in relation to the United States (US), which is in many respects the market leader in the field of AI. It finds that the degree of freedom for the collection and handling of personal data by companies working with AI is central for the functioning of machine-learning and deep learning. The wide definition of personal data, as has been constituted by the EU in the Breyer case, has resulted in a wide variance of data being labelled personal data through the EU regulatory scope. Therefore, the legal framework in the EU that deals with nearly all data is the recently implemented General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), since this is the appropriate framework for personal data. This study finds that the GDPR severely limits the freedom to collect and process personal data on the long-term by companies, most notably through the "right to be forgotten" and the "right to explanation". These rights, deriving from the GDPR, have several negative effects on the ability of European companies to use personal data to develop their AI systems, which negatively affect their competitive position vis-à-vis the US, which still has more relaxed data protection regulation. However, we are starting to see that the European data protection model is being implemented in other jurisdictions. The US has announced the California Consumer Protection Act, which echoes some key provisions from the GDPR, but is still being reviewed by the state of California. Moreover, due to several factors that are discussed in the study and the so-called “Brussel’s effect”, this study finds that it is highly likely that the trend of privacy norms stemming from the GDPR being copied by the US will continue and therefore will ‘level the playing field’ for European and American firms developing AI.Show less
While we can find evidence in the literature of a shift in the discourse of far-right Eurosceptic parties after the 2005 referendum in France and the Netherlands, its effects on the discourse of...Show moreWhile we can find evidence in the literature of a shift in the discourse of far-right Eurosceptic parties after the 2005 referendum in France and the Netherlands, its effects on the discourse of the far-left are largely understudied. This thesis then strives to investigate the impact of the failed Dutch and French referendums on far-left Euroscepticism, and figure out if it can partly explain its rise before the 2008 economic crisis. In the end, we find that far-left Eurosceptic parties have indeed shifted their discourse post-2005, and that the campaign and result of the referendum can account for a part of this shift.Show less
As a result of large decentralization processes of recent times, Dutch decentral governments have had to increasingly deal with the implementation of laws and regulations coming from the European...Show moreAs a result of large decentralization processes of recent times, Dutch decentral governments have had to increasingly deal with the implementation of laws and regulations coming from the European Union (IPO1 and HNP2, 2015: 9). The decentralization process has allegedly made it therefore increasingly important for Dutch provinces and municipalities to influence European policies, as the latter are ultimately responsible for the implementation of said policies (Mastenbroek et al., 2013: 20). Next to this process of decentralization, another process has simultaneously taken place; namely, the fortification of the position of European provinces and municipalities within the EU decision-making procedure on laws and regulations. The strengthened position of regions and municipalities has been warranted by, among other institutions, the Committee of the Regions (ibid.). Situated in Brussels, the Committee exists of 350 members (and 350 alternates); these members are regionally or locally elected officials within their own member state (“About”, cor.europa.eu). Members write opinions on new EU laws which are proposed by the European Commission. Furthermore, the Committee of the Regions has, through its active promotion of multilevel governance (the institution has issued both a White Paper and a Charter on the application of this theory), established itself as an advocate for the inclusion of subnational governments in European-level policy crafting and implementation. Multilevel governance has been described by the Committee as cooperation between various levels of government (local, regional, national and supranational) (“A Charter to do what?”, portal.cor.europa.eu). The central research question of this thesis pertains to the ways in which Dutch Committee members make use of the Committee, as it has emerged that the Committee has multiple functions. The first chapter of this thesis will feature a theoretical and practical discussion of multilevel governance theory. In the second chapter, the history, functions, and level of influence of the Committee of the Regions will be touched upon. The third and final chapter contains the results of interviews conducted with representatives of both provincial- and municipal Dutch Committee members and an external academic in the field. The central question of chapter three, divided into subquestions, is posed with the purpose of determining in what ways the Dutch representatives have utilized the Committee of the Regions. The conclusion features an analysis as to which features of the Committee might be regarded of as characteristics of a multilevel governance institution.Show less
Parallels have been drawn between a catholic marriage and the relationship between the EU and Turkey. Every time the relationship appears to be on the brink of divorce a closer step towards Turkey...Show moreParallels have been drawn between a catholic marriage and the relationship between the EU and Turkey. Every time the relationship appears to be on the brink of divorce a closer step towards Turkey's accession is made. In this sense, the EU-Turkey relationship is in historical institutionalist terms path dependent. The institutionalisation of this relationship has meant that divorce incurs a high cost and is, therefore, unlikely to happen. Theoretical explanations have been given for and against Turkey's accession, but these are unable to explain the fluidity of this relationship. Concentrating on history and how arguments are historically and contextually conditioned, this thesis incorporates a historical institutionalist framework to explain the decision-making by the EU in deepening its path dependent relationship with Turkey in order to aid in understanding EU enlargement and in particular Turkey's EU accession process. Two critical junctures of the periods from 1997-1999 and 2011-2016 will be analysed to reveal the central elements which explain the EU's decision-making. This analysis will examine EU documents concerning Turkish accession such as presidency conclusions, statements of the EU Heads of State or Government and international agreements between Turkey and the EU. In addition, this research will also draw on the already existing academic literature and use statements from the media and from leading figures to reflect on Turkey's accession. Through using a historical institutionalist approach this thesis makes an original contribution in arguing that Europe's enlargement approach has become vulnerable to reverse conditionality, fostering a path dependent relationship. The EU sees Turkey as a strategic ally rather than as an equal partner. Enlargement in the case of Turkey was initially used to incentivise Turkey to cooperate and has, therefore, been the EU's most powerful source of leverage. However, this use of enlargement has made the EU vulnerable to the implementation of reverse conditionality. As soon as accession loses its significance divorce could be immanent unless the couple can find a compromise to settle on a different kind of relationship.Show less
Irregular migration to the European Union is not a new phenomenon. For decades, migrants have crossed the external borders of the Union illegally, hoping to find a better life. With the abolishment...Show moreIrregular migration to the European Union is not a new phenomenon. For decades, migrants have crossed the external borders of the Union illegally, hoping to find a better life. With the abolishment of internal border controls in the European Union, the necessity for increased protection of the external borders arose. This became especially clear when after the Arab Spring uprisings an unprecedented amount of people made their way to Europe, culminating in the 2015 European migration crisis. The response of the EU and its Member States entailed policies of deterrence and entry-prevention. Furthermore, agreements were made with third countries in order to stem the migration flows. These agreements effectively externalised migration control beyond the borders of Europe. In this comparative case study, the bilateral migration control agreements between Italy and Libya, and between Spain and Morocco are analysed, with the aim of assessing the impact of these agreements on the human rights of migrants residing in North Africa. The study suggests that through the bilateral agreements, externalisation of migration control is facilitated, which in turn has resulted in a crackdown on irregular migration, with severe consequences for the perception and treatment of irregular migrants in North Africa.Show less
The UK's decision to leave the EU has been a salient event in Europe over the last three years, often dominating the headlines. Ireland has more to lose from the UK leaving the EU than other member...Show moreThe UK's decision to leave the EU has been a salient event in Europe over the last three years, often dominating the headlines. Ireland has more to lose from the UK leaving the EU than other member states. This thesis examines Ireland's vulnerabilities with the implications of a possible return of a hard border in Northern Ireland. In particular, it examines how Ireland has managed to get the issue of the Irish border as a top priority on the EU agenda in the context of the Brexit negotiations. This is achieved using agenda-setting theory and examining the Irish Government use of framing the border issue to EU counterparts. The thesis finds that the Irish Government was extremely proactive, organized and consistent with discourse which resonated with the values of the EU. This discourse was used at a high politics level by Irish politicians in their engagement with officials of EU intuitions and member states. This persistent engagement and discourse with the EU was instrumental in turning the Irish border into a priority for the EU in the Brexit negotiations.Show less
This thesis analyses the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) development of the right to an individual enforcement of EU law for a path dependence. In a thorough analysis of the origin and further...Show moreThis thesis analyses the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) development of the right to an individual enforcement of EU law for a path dependence. In a thorough analysis of the origin and further development of this right and an evaluation of the policy context in which it was developed, three major indications for a path dependent development are identified: (i) the introduction of the right to an individual enforcement of EU law in Van Gend en Loos (VGL) is found to have served as a critical juncture which influenced the subsequent development in a path-defining manner, (ii) the ECJ’s subsequent case-law development of the right is found to have been charaterised by decision-making patterns conforming the original decision in VGL, and (iii) the policy context in which the right was developed is found to have been defined by conditions increasing the likelihood of a path dependence. Finally, this thesis underlines the implications such a path dependent development of case-law has for the ECJ’s case-law itself, its analysis and for EU policy-making on the whole.Show less
This thesis aims at understanding how domestic laws concerning immigration detention in EU Member States have been modified following the entering into force of EU standards and legislation. This...Show moreThis thesis aims at understanding how domestic laws concerning immigration detention in EU Member States have been modified following the entering into force of EU standards and legislation. This Europeanization process has been analysed in three case studies, namely Italy, France and Sweden. In this thesis, it will be demonstrated that Member Stated modified their laws to different extents, with a mixture of substantial, moderate and no modification depending on the specific legislative provision at stake. Also, some measures became more restrictive for third country nationals, whereas others were softened.Show less
This thesis set out to answer the question “What can France and the United Kingdom teach us about the role of the state in developing an Artificial Intelligence strategy that aims to ensure...Show moreThis thesis set out to answer the question “What can France and the United Kingdom teach us about the role of the state in developing an Artificial Intelligence strategy that aims to ensure Artificial Intelligence that benefits society as a whole?” Based on the literature review, this thesis assumed that there seems to be a causal relationship between the technology understanding in governments and the role of governments in developing a national Artificial Intelligence system and strategy. Based on a comparative case study between France and the United Kingdom, this thesis anticipated to adopt the hypothesis. The main result from the case study analysis is that both government’s approach in developing AI seems to have an intensifying effect on technology understanding of a government. Drawing from the analysis, the British government pursues an industry-led approach focused on industrial progress and economic value whereas the French government pursues a predominantly research-led approach that focuses on AI autonomy and transformative capabilities of AI. The main conclusion is that the case study analysis indicated that because of the distant governmental role, the technology understanding of the government appeared inadequate to correspond how a future society with AI will benefit all of society and will not exclude certain social groups. When a government had a more central role in AI, it seems more aware of the necessary conditions in technology design (and further development for applications) that would ensure a future with AI technology that includes the entire society.Show less
This thesis explores the European Union’s rhetoric in the field of ethical AI by aiming to pin their discourse to mainstream normative ethical theories. The literature review supplies a deep...Show moreThis thesis explores the European Union’s rhetoric in the field of ethical AI by aiming to pin their discourse to mainstream normative ethical theories. The literature review supplies a deep insight into the current discussions on-going in AI, as well as its sub-fields. This is followed by a critical analysis into ethics and AI and why there is a necessity for ethical considerations when using AI. A synopsis of the EU’s current position is explored prior to delving into the methodological decisions made in the cadre of this thesis. A document analysis of qualitative secondary data permits an analysis into two key documents: The AI High-Level Expert Group’s ethical guidelines, as well as an official European Commission communiqué on said guidelines. Finally, the normative theories introduced in the literature review act as a framework for analysing and evaluating the EU’s early AI rhetoric, in order to arrive at my conclusions in section 6.0. In doing so, this thesis aims to comprehend the EU’s ethical strategy for ethical AI.Show less
Since the mid-1980s German collective bargaining coverage of employees has continuously declined. Current explanations attribute this decline to structural changes in the German economy, but...Show moreSince the mid-1980s German collective bargaining coverage of employees has continuously declined. Current explanations attribute this decline to structural changes in the German economy, but structural factors by themselves fail to explain why coverage has increased in other European Coordinated Market Economies during the same period. The resulting divergence in coverage can instead be attributed to differences in employer support for the use of statutory mechanisms to shore up collective bargaining. As shown here, German employers have, in contrast to employers elsewhere, continuously opposed such measures. Based on a set of semi-structured elite interviews and case studies, I analyse what explains this opposition. This thesis shows that German employer associations oppose a frequent use of statutory extension by default based on 1) a strong normative aversion to state intervention, 2) a normative appreciation of wage competition, and 3) the believe that statutory extension can itself undermine coverage. Furthermore, I demonstrate that when there are highly salient problems in a sector which employers believe can be remedied by statutory extension sectoral employers can overcome the German default position and use extensions however only to an extent that is perceived as strictly necessary.Show less
This theis compares the effectiveness of the comprehesive Dialogue and the Coercive Diplomacy strategies which the EU had persued in relation to Iran. The goal of these stragies was to ensure that...Show moreThis theis compares the effectiveness of the comprehesive Dialogue and the Coercive Diplomacy strategies which the EU had persued in relation to Iran. The goal of these stragies was to ensure that Iran would halt its nuclear development program, while also improving the human rights situation in the country. The two strategies are compared in accordance with 5 factors deemed relevant in influencing nuclear development programs.Show less
