My main research question states that because of a set of economic and political conditions, the CFA Franc zone negatively affects the economic growth and sovereignty of Francophone Africa. In this...Show moreMy main research question states that because of a set of economic and political conditions, the CFA Franc zone negatively affects the economic growth and sovereignty of Francophone Africa. In this study, I investigate the mechanisms that cause the latter in order to identify the relation between CFA membership and the lack of economic sovereignty and development. The insufficient development of CFA countries, the financial restrictions linked to the monetary system, and the rise of African resentment towards CFAF will be the premise to reply to the research question and show how the disadvantages of the CFAF prevail over the benefits. This paper argues that CFA membership may not be as favourable for Francophone Africa as it was declared.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
This thesis is focussing on the experiences and memories of the Chilean exiles created by the Pinochet regime and how they are represented in the memory culture and national story of Pinochet’s...Show moreThis thesis is focussing on the experiences and memories of the Chilean exiles created by the Pinochet regime and how they are represented in the memory culture and national story of Pinochet’s Chile from 1989 till 2017.Show less
A research on the strategic culture and transatlantic security policies in first decade post-9/11. This thesis tries to answer the question to what extent the change in strategic culture and the...Show moreA research on the strategic culture and transatlantic security policies in first decade post-9/11. This thesis tries to answer the question to what extent the change in strategic culture and the resulting security policies of the EU and the US changed between 2002 and 2010; and how this shaped the transatlantic relationship in the post 9/11 era. The thesis concludes that there was a change in the strategic culture of the United States due to the external-shock caused by the 9/11 attacks on American soil; this shock was not experienced in the European Union. Hence, the security policies of the two powers on both sides of the Atlantic were not in line with one another in the period following 9/11. A decade later, the strategic culture of the United States shifted towards that of the European Union.Show less
A research on the conflict in the South China Sea between China and other claimant states. This thesis tries to answer the question how China has been able to maintain its dominance and activities...Show moreA research on the conflict in the South China Sea between China and other claimant states. This thesis tries to answer the question how China has been able to maintain its dominance and activities in the South China Sea despite the negative ruling of the arbitral case between China and the Philippines. Special focus is being given to the explanation of absence of expected conflict between China and other claimant states or third parties (e.g. the Philippines, Vietnam and the US). The thesis concludes that conflict has stayed out mainly due to political change in involved countries, China's use of its recently increased hard and soft power and because of ineffectiveness of international institutions to solve these kind of conflicts.Show less
The thesis explores the socio-political climate in Spain and the Basque country in the aftermath of the definitive 2011 ceasefire and the eventual 2018 dissolution of the Basque nationalist...Show moreThe thesis explores the socio-political climate in Spain and the Basque country in the aftermath of the definitive 2011 ceasefire and the eventual 2018 dissolution of the Basque nationalist militant group Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA), coming after more than half a century of its armed struggle against the Spanish state. Despite the end of physical violence, its legacies nevertheless still echo in the Basque Country and in Spain as a whole. The thesis analyses the highly polarised ‘fringe’ yet influential “Abertzale” and “Spanish nationalist” narratives which reflect these legacies, with fundamentally opposed parties effectively utilising these discourses as rhetorical weapons in public discourse and politics. A particular feature standing out in these narratives is the problematic conceptualisation of victimhood. The thesis examines these post-2011 narratives of victimhood in detail, specifically focusing on how they detrimentally affect the prospects for societal reconciliation following the end of ETA, whilst taking into account the complex historical burdens of the Basque case and the controversial legacies of the Francoist dictatorship which further entrench these narratives. Furthermore, the conceptualisations of victimhood in the often-compared Northern Irish case are scrutinised in order to devise a theoretical framework for this largely unexplored concept in the Basque case. It is finally concluded that clashing victimhood claims, deeply intertwined with the long-standing narratives of “political conflict” and “terrorism,” fundamentally impede progress towards reconciliation in the Basque case. The thesis suggests a victim-centric approach as well as a push for inclusive conceptualisations of victimhood may be the key avenues to explore in order to pursue societal reconciliation in the post-ETA era.Show less
Unrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR...Show moreUnrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR presents itself with their 'state' media, published on-line in Russian and English. This thesis analyzes the media with the help of Analyzing the articles published, it becomes clear the legitimation strategies of the DNR focus on highlighting the differences between the DNR, which is portrayed as the victim, and Ukraine, which is portrayed as the agressor. The strategy is based more on discrediting Ukraine than promoting the DNR. Such a strategy may be relatively successful, given that local attitudes are relatively anti-Ukrainian due regular shelling and the predominance of Russian news media in the region. The English language articles follow the same line. However, these articles do not reach a wide audience and the effect on international legitimacy is negligible.Show less
The war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the...Show moreThe war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the world, carried by all sorts of groups and organizations that have specialized in this trade. The PKK is active in a number of regions in the Middle-East and illicit drug trade is one of the means of its financing. Using the crime-terror continuum of Makarenko, this research describes the PKK as a commercial terrorist organization with mainly financial interests, at present stronger than their political motives. The research question of this thesis is as follows: “To what extent has the Kurdistan Workers’ Party transformed into a criminal organization from its erewhile politically motivated terrorist origins?” The relevance of this research is therefore to give the PKK a spot on the crime- terror continuum of Makarenko (2004: 131) and to show its evolution into a transnational organized crime organization, rather than just a static politically driven organization. This research could improve the formulation and implementation of future counter measures. The hypothesis of this thesis is that the PKK can be defined as a predominantly commercial terrorist organization.Show less
This thesis deals with the how and under which conditions does the Turkish denial (and the international politics surrounding this) of the Armenian genocide has shaped the formation of Armenian...Show moreThis thesis deals with the how and under which conditions does the Turkish denial (and the international politics surrounding this) of the Armenian genocide has shaped the formation of Armenian identity.Show less
Considering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were...Show moreConsidering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were depoliticizing alternative political perspectives. But although they refer to interrelated phenomena, their language and chief academic objectives diverge, making depoliticization incoherent and under-conceptualized. This paper unifies prior efforts by asking what depoliticization is and tracing its consequences. We present six tentative definitions of depoliticization, categorise them into three types, and incorporate our preferred definition into our methodology. In a case study of TJ and post-transitional activism in Argentina during 1983-1996, we map its occurrence beginning with a depoliticizing move in 1983 by the Alfonsín administration that facilitated the production of Nunca Mas in 1984 and examine its relationship to the marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, a civil society organisation that emerged in response to mass disappearances under the former military junta. We conclude that depoliticization occurred and contributed to marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, having produced a clear conceptual framework for further applications of depoliticization in contexts of TJ.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to analyze Pyongyang's changing architecture taking into account the North Korean regime's recent implementation of a market-oriented economy and the social and spatial...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to analyze Pyongyang's changing architecture taking into account the North Korean regime's recent implementation of a market-oriented economy and the social and spatial effects of that. The analysis is based on the prediction of the book "Unprecedented Pyongyang", describing the transformation of the iconic monuments and the specific socialist morphology of Pyongyang to a more "functional" capitalistic city. By analyzing architecture, and the social production of such the thesis sheds light on the possible clash between the social and the political body in North Korea, explaining the mechanisms of cultural propaganda and especially advocating for the prevalence of agency in Pyongyang's inhabited space. The study is situated within the broader debate of globalization and modernization as possible external forces, being implemented in Pyongyang and represented in build form. The thesis questions whether the economic transitioning and a resulting spatial and social change also results in a temporal one, wherein Pyongyang "catches up" to the globalized and modernized world. Overall the conclusion shows that there are some major issues pertaining to how the processes of time and modernity are considered within International Relations.Show less
In this paper we will explore the complex relationship between the news media and political decision making in the United Kingdom, as well as how that relationship affects an actor’s role in...Show moreIn this paper we will explore the complex relationship between the news media and political decision making in the United Kingdom, as well as how that relationship affects an actor’s role in international relations. Focussing on a selection of British newspapers and the government, we analyse the discourse surrounding migration and refugees during the 2015 Refugee Crisis. We observe the intersections of political influence which travel between the press and politicians, and vice versa, as well as the ways in which those influence mechanisms can impact behaviour at the international level. Considering the relationship according to conceptions of normative values and social hegemony we can identify how the discourse informs the national attitude towards particular issues.Show less
This thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech...Show moreThis thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech transcripts and newspaper opinion pieces of pro-independence and pro-union elites in order to identify broad lexical patterns in discourse. These results are then interpreted with the guidance of previous literature and within the theoretical framework of discursive institutionalism. The analysis finds that the most salient patterns are a pro-union emphasis on law and the constitution, and a pro-independence focus on the symbolic imagery produced by the referendum, such as polling stations, ballot boxes, and police violence. The results also find differing representations of the relationship between Catalonia and Spain, and to a lesser degree, the role of Europe within the dynamic. Taken together, these findings illuminate broad discursive strategies employed by both sides of the independence debate as they seek to either provoke or prevent institutional change.Show less
This thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It...Show moreThis thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It compares these findings to the existing literature on the nature of Hezbollah. It is found that pragmatic considerations concerning Hezbollah's own security and its weapons supplies through Syria were its main motivators, despite ideologically charged rhetoric. In the literature, this reality is best reflected by those that acknowledge the duality of Hezbollah's ties to Lebanon and aims of integration into Lebanese politics on the one hand and its ties to Iran and fight against Israel on the other.Show less
The Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is...Show moreThe Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is yet to be successfully diffused and classified as a global norm. This thesis assesses the principle’s normative trajectory through the use of Finnemore and Sikkink’s ‘norm life cycle theory’ (1998). This work works toward a better understanding of Russia’s approach towards the emergent norm of human rights by default. By assessing Russia’s approach towards intervention, this study reviews the claim that Russia seeks to undermine the norms that underpin R2P. This has been conducted via a qualitative case study that reviews the following cases: Georgia, Crimea, Libya and Syria. The findings demonstrate that although Russia is actively engaged with the principle’s norm development process, it did also attempt to interpret the norm according to its own preferences. However, only once was the norm was truly undermined - in the case of Crimea.Show less
The 1996 Guatemalan Peace Accords were the result of a long Peace Process that marked the end of a 36-year lasting civil war. These Accords aimed to end violent conflict and reconstruct the country...Show moreThe 1996 Guatemalan Peace Accords were the result of a long Peace Process that marked the end of a 36-year lasting civil war. These Accords aimed to end violent conflict and reconstruct the country. The majority of individuals involved in this Peace Process were male, but a range of women managed to take part in the Peace Process through both formal and informal channels. This thesis focusses on this formal women’s involvement, where two women were placed on the negotiating teams and a range of women’s organizations formed part of the civil society structure within the Peace Process. Women in Guatemala’s pre-conflict society faced significant barriers to the full exercise of their rights. Openings into the Peace Processes therefore provided women with opportunities to influence the outcome and thereby improve the status of women overall in Guatemalan society. In recent decades, there has been increasing scholarly attention to the lack of women’s involvement in peace processes, focussing mainly on ways to overcome this lack of involvement. Although further scholarly attention has been set on peace processes as a way for women to advance their status in society, empirical evidence regarding this line of reasoning is often lacking. This thesis aims to fill this gap by undertaking a literature based qualitative research in the form of a within-case study. Various indicators on the status of women in Guatemalan society are compared across time to determine if women’s involvement in the Guatemalan Peace Process has impacted the Peace Agreement and following policies, and in turn has led to changes in the status of the general population of women throughout Guatemalan society. This research demonstrates that through formal involvement in the Guatemalan Peace Process the status of women has not improved as much as envisioned, but still progress has been made. The findings of this thesis indicate that women in such processes cannot be expected to raise certain topics on the basis of their gender. Furthermore, it demonstrates that women’s participation in peace processes could lead to social transformation, but that the nature and features of such an involvement are limiting or strengthening to the eventual results in terms of women’s status in society. This establishes the need to thoroughly analyse how the nature and features of their involvement can be deployed to maximize the effect of women’s inclusion in peace processes as a way to establish societies with a higher degree of gender equality.Show less
