The 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The...Show moreThe 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The indirect way of engaging in conflict is, according to policy makers, today’s panacea to ‘achieve a more sustainable victory’ while ‘it won’t require us sending a new generation (...) overseas to fight and die for another decade on foreign soil’. The unfortunate reality is, however, that little is known about the sustainability of this military strategy. Available studies on SFA predominantly assess the effectiveness on the battlefield, but there is surprisingly little academic research – let alone public debate – on its long-term effects and the kind of security it creates. As a first attempt to rectify this relative inattention in the literature, this study investigates the Mosul Offensive to understand how and with what effect the U.S.-led Global Coalition against Daesh tried to govern security outcomes in Iraq through the SFA programs that were central to Operation Inherent Resolve between 2014 and 2018.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s became frozen. The current comprehension of frozen conflicts, both in academia and policy-making circles is rather elusive, as the conflicts are often seen through a mono-theoretical lens, overlooking the potential interaction between different factors on different levels. The three main theoretical perspectives on frozen conflicts; the geopolitical, ethno-nationalist and political-economic perspective, are assessed, after which an explanatory variable is derived from each one. Subsequently, the cases of Moldova and Georgia are analyzed alongside these variables, to determine to what extent each mechanism plays a role in the development of frozen conflicts. A qualitative comparative analysis is carried out to assess the interrelation between variables, across the three different phases of a frozen conflict. The results of this research show that the frozen conflicts in Moldova and Georgia are neither solely ethnic nor geopolitical in nature. Ethnic tensions interplayed with geopolitical motives, which are substantiated by criminal economic incentives. Therefore, the multi-layered nature of frozen conflicts cannot fully be understood through a monotheoretical lens.Show less
Using a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory...Show moreUsing a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory either toward or away from democratic governance, and their propensity to terminate ongoing conflict against insurgent enemies. The study finds a negative and significant correlation between nonviolent conflict cessation and both democratisation and authoritarian consolidation. Disaggregating the data by regime type reveals that democracies and machine-type autocracies are less susceptible to this effect than either military and personalist regimes. Finally, further inspection of the data reveals that both regime type and a number of other variables act as proxies for regimes’ internal stability and the absence of intra-elite rivalry. The finding, consistent with much of the existing literature, is that intra-elite rivalry drives regimes and leaders to continue fighting, and diminishes the probability of negotiated settlement.Show less
One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
Throughout the last decades, the UN has applied various efforts in order to bring an end to colonialism, and they have done so through different approaches. This thesis aims to answer the question:...Show moreThroughout the last decades, the UN has applied various efforts in order to bring an end to colonialism, and they have done so through different approaches. This thesis aims to answer the question: ‘How effective has United Nations been in achieving decolonization in the cases of Tokelau and Puerto Rico?’. Three main arguments run through this thesis. First, it argues that the UN engages in norm creation through affirming resolutions and publishing visiting reports, and that this is one of the most effective instruments in achieving decolonization in the cases of Tokelau and Puerto Rico. Second, it demonstrates that this norm creation has an effect on the international reputation on the administering states of New Zealand and the US, which affected their cooperation. Lastly, it challenges the current UN framework on decolonization and includes critique on this framework in order to apply this to the case studies and display the consequent ramifications.Show less
Historically, Libya has played a crucial part in Italian foreign policy inside the Middle East- and North-African (MENA) region. Serving as the prime supplier of fossil fuels, Libya has also long...Show moreHistorically, Libya has played a crucial part in Italian foreign policy inside the Middle East- and North-African (MENA) region. Serving as the prime supplier of fossil fuels, Libya has also long functioned as a transit point for migrants taking the route toward the European continent. To safeguard both energy security and irregular migratory flows, Italy has invested in creating a mutually beneficial relationship with Libyan leader Moammar al-Ghaddafi. The 2011 Arab Spring would trouble these bonds, as Ghaddafi's reign was challenged - and ultimately toppled. Italian foreign policy-making has been described as notoriously self-contradicting, inefficient and serving self-interest at best. To test these theories, the events and resulting Italian foreign policy during the Libyan Revolution in 2011 serve as a case study. It will be shown that Italian foreign policy produced some tangible short-term results, especially in terms of energy security. Nonetheless, the processes that preceded these results were characterized by periods of uncertainty in Italian foreign policy making. Indeed, several actions of the Italian government proved to acknowledge the 'propensity for self-contradiction' that has long characterized Italian foreign policy-making in International Relations theory.Show less
Territorial disputes have since long been a source of conflict. Still today, economic, political and security interests lead to rising tensions in areas with disputed territories. To date, two of...Show moreTerritorial disputes have since long been a source of conflict. Still today, economic, political and security interests lead to rising tensions in areas with disputed territories. To date, two of these hot areas are the South China Sea (SCS) and the waters of the Arctic region. In the SCS, Chinese claims and activities stand out. In the past years, China has not only continued its, by the international society regarded unlawful, claims of waters, islands and reefs in the area, it has also started to build islands on which it engages in military activities. Initially, the United States (US) was not keen on getting involved in the numerous disputes over territory and adopted a policy of refusing to comment on or participate in any of the clashes. Lately however, the US has expressed its disapproval of Chinese activities and it has transferred vessels to the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) states to contain the Chinese threat in the area (Yoon, 2015). Free access to the SCS is of high importance to the US, both economically as well as geopolitically (Bouchat, 2014), and it considers the respect for international law a national interest (Landler, 2010; Lajeunesse & Huebert, 2019). In addition to the SCS, the Arctic region too has been the scene of controversy for the states surrounding it (Birdwell, 2016). Due to the effects of climate change, the Arctic is now an area with ample opportunities and potential for the winning of natural resources (Conley & Kraut, 2011). Clearly, high economic and strategic interests are at stake in the changing polar region. The effects of climate change have made the Arctic Circle into a centre of geopolitics and territorial disputes with direct implications for US security. Despite these high stakes, the US has mostly lagged behind on other states. The position of the US in the disputes in these highly strategic areas is noteworthy. It raises the question why the hegemon of this current, unipolar world, does not take on a more active and assertive role. If it wants to maintain its unique position, why does it seem as is if it has been reluctant to address these possible threats to its position?Show less
Modern Slavery is found in the Mauritian Fashion Industry. This industry is part of a global neoliberal capitalist economy. The research question thus reads as such: To what extent do the trade...Show moreModern Slavery is found in the Mauritian Fashion Industry. This industry is part of a global neoliberal capitalist economy. The research question thus reads as such: To what extent do the trade policies of the United States of America, as articulated in the African Growth and Opportunity Act established in 2000, shape the fight against modern slavery in the fashion industry in Mauritius?Show less
The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
This thesis explores the extent to which (de)secritization is present in ten speech acts enunciated by the EuVsDisinfo campaign and the Dutch Parliament. This fills a research gap on simultaneous ...Show moreThis thesis explores the extent to which (de)secritization is present in ten speech acts enunciated by the EuVsDisinfo campaign and the Dutch Parliament. This fills a research gap on simultaneous (de)securitization in this particular case study.Show less
Conflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are...Show moreConflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are ignored, how inattention manifests itself in inaction, what are the consequences of inattention and why does inattention exist. This thesis will seek to answer these questions within the primary confines of the conflict(s) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It will be argued that attention is a commodity predominantly distributed by policymakers and media organisations who may choose to pay attention or not. The consequences of inattention, such as increased levels of severity and violence, can therefore be attributed to those purposefully ignoring conflict.Show less
