The current war in Ukraine and the coinciding tectonic shifts in geopolitics have made discussions about the role of the US as the security provider of the European continent and the increased role...Show moreThe current war in Ukraine and the coinciding tectonic shifts in geopolitics have made discussions about the role of the US as the security provider of the European continent and the increased role of the EU as a security actor within the European security architecture more relevant than ever. It is therefore crucial to understand the US White House perspectives on the development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor. That is why this thesis analyses the research question ‘Has the US perspective on the development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor changed under the administrations of Trump and Biden and if so how?’ by using a critical discourse analysis. The findings underpin that this perspective has changed from a skeptical and critical perspective under the Trump administration to a supportive and stimulating perspective under the Biden administration. This change is meaningful as it has contributed to a context whereby EU defence policies can be realized more easily, while also leading to actual steps of enhanced cooperative US-EU security measures contributing to the further development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor. This change can be explained by two core reasons. First, perceptions will differ when two administrations look at the same international strategic context, which is shifting towards a multipolar world order, through different lenses. Second, in certain circumstances these lenses must bow to the hard reality of the international strategic context if it is sufficiently undeniable. This led to a situation whereby the start of the full-scale war in Ukraine made the Biden administration realize that it needs the EU as a partner in order to defend the US led world order and hegemonial position with multiple geopolitical threats now coming its way, the most important one still coming from China.Show less
This thesis problematises the finding that resource-rich rebels do not govern civilians because of their short-term perspectives and fixation on looting which results in predatory behaviour....Show moreThis thesis problematises the finding that resource-rich rebels do not govern civilians because of their short-term perspectives and fixation on looting which results in predatory behaviour. Therefore, this thesis investigates under what conditions resource-rich rebels do engage in rebel governance. I argue that the characteristics of natural resources affect the exploitation strategy of rebels, which comprises extraction, kidnapping and theft. Those exploitation strategies and the presence or absence of armed competition over resource-rich territory, determine the extent to which resource-rich rebels govern civilians. Three rebel groups are analysed through a focused structured comparison in combination with process tracing. The analyses have revealed that rebels who enjoy both a complete and partial monopoly on resource-rich territory have the ability to divert their resources to rebel governance. Further findings have revealed that rebel groups who adopt extraction as an exploitation strategy engages in governance. In particular, rebel groups mobilise civilians to extract resources in order to acquire economic rents as well as establish civilian administrations to impose taxes and provide security and welfare services. To obtain profits from natural resources, rebels depend on civilians for physical labour. Therefore, rebels establish contractual relations with the local population which results in rebel governance. Hence, resource-rich rebels perceive civilians as valuable assets who can sustain their rebellion. These findings provide an intriguing theoretical framework which renders the first tools to unravel the conditions under which resource-rich rebels govern.Show less
This thesis aims to discuss how modern-day sanctions came to be. It argues that sanctions are a direct result of World War One Entente economic and financial policies towards the central powers,...Show moreThis thesis aims to discuss how modern-day sanctions came to be. It argues that sanctions are a direct result of World War One Entente economic and financial policies towards the central powers, which were then repurposed to be used in peace time after the war as an instrument to enforce the will of the newly established League of Nations.Show less
In February 2022, the worst humanitarian and refugee crisis since 1940 unfolded in Europe, following the Russian war against Ukraine (OECD International Migration Outlook 2022, 4). In 2015 already,...Show moreIn February 2022, the worst humanitarian and refugee crisis since 1940 unfolded in Europe, following the Russian war against Ukraine (OECD International Migration Outlook 2022, 4). In 2015 already, Europe had faced a sharp increase in demands for asylum, following the Syrian civil war. Immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers have been generally marginalized in recent years in Europe, through an ‘us and them’ rhetoric. The welcoming of Ukrainian refugees however, demonstrated a never seen before impetus for support and integration, proving the European ability to set up effective and quick responses to humanitarian crisis. Why then, were such means never deployed before? Why did European member-states never demonstrate a similar level of cohesion before? And what does that say about the ways in which the European Commission sets its migration policies? This thesis will shed light on the European Commission’s setting of policy- responses on migration, through a comparative study of the Syrian and Ukrainian migration crises, to explore the potential ‘double-standard’ on refugees.Show less
This paper examines how the Iranian diasporic community in the United States frames the current women-led movement in Iran. In particular, using Erving Goffman’s question of “what is it that is...Show moreThis paper examines how the Iranian diasporic community in the United States frames the current women-led movement in Iran. In particular, using Erving Goffman’s question of “what is it that is going on” to identify whether Ajam Media Collective and the Iranian Diaspora Collective are aware of the many forms of feminism that exist in Iran or whether they continue to enforce the dominant Western feminist doctrine in their framing of Iranian women and their participation in the current movement. In the examination, the focus is on the traditional narratives of the protection scenario and Orientalism to better understand the politics of pity and how the research by Joanna de Groot, Saba Mahmood, and Sara Mameni provides alternative understandings of what it means to be a feminist. Concluding that even though both organizations have a different approach in the framing of Iranian women and their feminism, it becomes clear that the dominant feminist doctrine did influence the diasporic community.Show less
The US embargo against Cuba is the longest-running economic sanctions package that has ever been implemented. This thesis analyses the factors influencing the effectiveness of sanctions in the US...Show moreThe US embargo against Cuba is the longest-running economic sanctions package that has ever been implemented. This thesis analyses the factors influencing the effectiveness of sanctions in the US-Cuba case.Show less
Self-defence against terrorism, it hardly seems possible. Yet in Burkina Faso, groups like koglweogo and dozo are making a valiant attempt. How did these groups become part of the Burkinabe...Show moreSelf-defence against terrorism, it hardly seems possible. Yet in Burkina Faso, groups like koglweogo and dozo are making a valiant attempt. How did these groups become part of the Burkinabe security system?Show less
The advent of Shinzō Abe and Xi Jinping in 2012 as respective leaders of Japan and China amidst a deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands launched a supposed new...Show moreThe advent of Shinzō Abe and Xi Jinping in 2012 as respective leaders of Japan and China amidst a deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands launched a supposed new era in foreign policy that is typically characterised by ‘rivalry’ in much of the literature, thereby reinforcing the China Threat paradigm. Some examine Sino-Japanese relations through a material lens and focus on military strength or economic preponderance, whereas relational Constructivists centre on a Japanese ‘Self’ 'identity' in relation to 'Others'. However, these studies take subjects, discursive practices and meanings that are constitutive of foreign policy as a given and uncritically accepts these as true. This is problematic, because rather than questioning the status-quo, their ontological arguments reinforce it. A poststructural analysis on foreign policy discourse within ethical, temporal and spatial dimensions with due consideration for the margins of the political debate brings in an epistemological perspective. This reveals inherent inconsistencies and contradictions that argue against the assumed ‘rivalry’, and continuous production and reproduction of the China Threat paradigm in relational Constructivist literature. This allows for an understanding of foreign policy as a transformative praxis capable of changing the way Sino-Japanese relations are registered, both in theory and in practice.Show less
Russia’s influence in Africa, particularly the Sahel, has been on the rise for the last two decades. On the one hand, it uses official tools of engagement including, diplomatic, economic, military,...Show moreRussia’s influence in Africa, particularly the Sahel, has been on the rise for the last two decades. On the one hand, it uses official tools of engagement including, diplomatic, economic, military, and political methods. And on the other hand, it uses unofficial tools to pursue its foreign policy objectives. This thesis focuses on the various ways in which Russia utilises its Private Military Companies as an unofficial tool, to gain maximum benefits. The theoretical framework of the ‘Racket of Predatory Power’ is used to elucidate the strategies employed by Russia through its PMCs. These strategies include leveraging historical elite ties, security partnerships to secure mining concessions, and conducting disinformation campaigns to gain elite favour. By using Mali as a case study, the thesis examines the key elements of the theoretical framework, including rent control, weakening accountability and legtimisation, to understand Russia’s use of PMCs as a foreign policy tool. The thesis concludes that Russia’s influence on African states is predatory, in the sense that it uses shadow actors like PMCs to repurpose state institutions and derive maximum benefits out of elite relationships.Show less
