Given the increasing criminalisation search-and-rescue (SAR) non-governmental organisations (NGOs) face in the Central Mediterranean, this study examines the adaptation strategies employed by these...Show moreGiven the increasing criminalisation search-and-rescue (SAR) non-governmental organisations (NGOs) face in the Central Mediterranean, this study examines the adaptation strategies employed by these organisations in response to the changing political and legal frameworks. It investigates how SAR NGOs have adapted their actions and behaviour to address the increasingly hostile environment in which they operate. The findings demonstrate that SAR NGOs have deployed a diverse range of adaptation strategies, namely the professionalisation of their operations, the adherence to changed legal frameworks, the close monitoring of their environment and the strengthening of their adaptive capability. Moreover, they engage in stonewalling, influence regulatory directions, increasingly collaborate with other SAR NGOs and external actors, and try to garner as much public support as possible. The findings contribute to the existing literature on the activities and behaviour of SAR NGOs operating in the Central Mediterranean, as well as on humanitarian NGOs, and organisational adaptation more generally. Further research could explore the adaptation strategies of other actors involved, focus on how factors such as SAR NGOs financing influence their adaptation strategies, and analyse the effectiveness of the different adaptation strategies employed by the SAR NGOs.Show less
This thesis conducts a comparative case study analysis of the differing strategies of Rwanda and Uganda in managing conflict minerals from the Democratic Republic of Congo, with the objective to...Show moreThis thesis conducts a comparative case study analysis of the differing strategies of Rwanda and Uganda in managing conflict minerals from the Democratic Republic of Congo, with the objective to contribute to a nuanced understanding of power dynamics and security imperatives in the African Great Lakes Region. By applying a realist theoretical International Relations framework, this study analyses how the respective strategies of Rwanda and Uganda reflect their economic, security, and geopolitical interests, as well as the implications for regional stability. The methodology of this thesis relies on a systematic document analysis of UNSC Group of Experts reports, complemented with research reports by NGOs and think tanks. This thesis reveals that Rwanda's policies combine centralised and confrontational strategies with its historical security narrative, whereas Uganda's policies focus on maintaining entrenched smuggling networks and strategic use of minerals to boost its economy and regional significance. The comparative analysis illustrates how both countries use conflict minerals to enhance their geopolitical position in the region, thereby contributing to regional instability and a security dilemma.Show less
This paper contributes to the counterinsurgency literature by examining what the most effective strategies, tactics and conditions were that led to victory in the counterinsurgency campaigns of the...Show moreThis paper contributes to the counterinsurgency literature by examining what the most effective strategies, tactics and conditions were that led to victory in the counterinsurgency campaigns of the Dutch against the Javanese in the Java War (1825-1830) and the US against the Filipinos in the Philippine War (1899-1902). I will analyse the cases using the comparative method (Most Different Systems Design) and the congruence method. The analyses show that the most influential causes in winning the war were that the Dutch and US forces had a high level of interaction with the local population, decentralised their military and civil policy, and successfully balanced a strategy of winning an influential part of the population over with benefits while using punishments to sever the bonds between insurgents and their supporters. My findings will cast doubt on whether contemporary Western Democracies can and should engage in counterinsurgency warfare, seeing the high moral and human cost necessary to win the war.Show less
This thesis analyses how, if at all, the Israeli claim to Jerusalem has evolved since 1948. To answer this question, it compares discourse in The Early Years (1948-1967) and The Post Six-Day War...Show moreThis thesis analyses how, if at all, the Israeli claim to Jerusalem has evolved since 1948. To answer this question, it compares discourse in The Early Years (1948-1967) and The Post Six-Day War Era (1967-2018) periods within three key areas – political, cultural and legal developments. The results show a surface-level evolution of the claim in certain aspects such as the growth of messianism and fundamental legal changes. However, amidst this superficial evolution, a profound substantive consistency prevails across both periods in political and cultural discourse, where the essence remains unchanged, particularly evidenced in the enduring national consensus on the issue and conceptualisation of Jerusalem in the national identity. The implications of this reinforce the notion of a united Jerusalem as a symbolic bedrock of Israel’s existence, historical legitimacy and foundational narrative.Show less
Very little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable...Show moreVery little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable and weak, without any power to shape decisions of middle power states. This thesis examines the relationship between small states, the Pacific Islands, and regional middle power Australia. In order to answer the question “How do the Pacific Island States, as small states, attempt to exert influence on climate change decisions over middle power state Australia in the international environment?” this study employs a qualitative research design of small and middle power states. By showing collective leadership through the United Nations, the PIS are able to influence debates and agenda-setting of middle power states on the norm climate change at the international level. However, the influence of small states on Australia’s climate policies is limited and depends on the receptiveness of the Australian government. Yet, the current geopolitical competition between Australia and China occasionally offers the PIS opportunities to pressure the Australian government.Show less
Since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland has been transitioning into a peaceful society. To reinvent its reputation and cater to modern needs, its tourist industry has...Show moreSince the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland has been transitioning into a peaceful society. To reinvent its reputation and cater to modern needs, its tourist industry has looked towards Northern Irish cultural elements which will signify a new, safe Northern Ireland. Despite its efforts to shed its violent past, many travel to the Northern Irish capital of Belfast to learn more about The Troubles. This has created a booming mural tour tradition, in which visitors travel through the city in search of the many murals that tell the stories of the communities involved in the conflict. Northern Irish muralism has since its first use functioned to advocate for political objectives, but has since become the primary tool in advocating the political aims of the dominant ideologies: Nationalism and Unionism. The murals now hold the power to convince viewers of their ideology to create public support out of which political change can be demanded. They are thus potent political instruments, and according by whom or how they are used have significant implications for the future of Northern IrelandShow less
Since 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be...Show moreSince 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be observed. Subsequently, fear and distrust in youth among communities arise, where young Nigerians are perceived as inherently dangerous, feared to be involved with Boko Haram. The emergence this stereotype has profound implications for the position of youth in society and prompts questions regarding the factors that contribute to the perpetuation of this stereotype. Therefore, this research aims to explore how youth in northeast Nigeria are portrayed through public and policy discourse, especially in regards to Boko Haram. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis as the methodological framework, this research critically scrutinizesif the Nigerian media, politicians and policymakers depict youth as a threat to society. Findings of the discourse analysis reveal a prevailing negative rhetoric surrounding youth in northeast Nigeria. They are presented as a demographic who are often unemployed and excluded from society. Additionally, young Nigerians are consistently associated with recruitment, radicalization, crimes and involvement in violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram. All these components appear interconnected, revealing a vicious cycle of stigmatization and violence. Drawing upon securitization theory, this research concludes that media, policymakers and politicians wield their influence to portray youth as a threatening actor to society, contributing to the perpetuation of a detrimental narrative that further fuels stigmatization and marginalization of youth in northeast Nigeria.Show less
