Although jihadist organisations envisage a society segregated by roles between the sexes, they increasingly turn to women in pursuit of their goals. This is a double-edged sword for jihadist...Show moreAlthough jihadist organisations envisage a society segregated by roles between the sexes, they increasingly turn to women in pursuit of their goals. This is a double-edged sword for jihadist organisations: while female recruits increase the pool of followers, the discrepancy between their patriarchal ideology and women’s enlistment may have implications for their legitimacy. Whereas explanations have been offered as to how jihadists resort to patriarchal gender beliefs to legitimise their exclusion of women, questions remain regarding how jihadist groups use gender to legitimise their inclusion of women. Increased understanding of this gender component may yield insight into the organisational structure of jihadist organisations and their future direction regarding female recruits. Exploring the case of ISIS, this thesis analyses the extent to which the group adopted a gender perspective in legitimising its recruitment of women between 2015 and 2017. By conducting a critical discourse analysis, three gendered narratives are identified that ISIS employed in justifying its recruitment of women, depicting women as builders of the Ummah, as representatives of Islam and as guardians of the Caliphate. Rather than women challenging its patriarchal hegemony, the narratives illustrate how ISIS used this structure to create a set of gendered incentives and thereby attributed women (violent) agency.Show less
In recent years, the People’s Republic of China’s power has increased globally. However, China still experiences issues in relation to its soft power, which can be described as a country’s ability...Show moreIn recent years, the People’s Republic of China’s power has increased globally. However, China still experiences issues in relation to its soft power, which can be described as a country’s ability to attract and appeal through which one is able to persuade and get what they wish for. This recently has led to a deterioration of several of China’s bilateral relations, yet the Dutch government has expressed a desire to continue close cooperation with China. The 2019 Netherlands’ China policy calls for a more nuanced view of China and states that the Netherlands should cooperate with China where possible, while safeguarding the Netherlands interests and values. As China seems to have soft power issues within Western Europe, it can be questioned whether the policy actually aligns with the general perception of China within the Netherlands, as this alignment is generally expected within a democracy. In order to determine whether this is the case, a qualitative descriptive study has been conducted and a Dutch media content analysis has been performed. Research findings indicated that, while China was generally perceived negatively within the media and public opinion, the Netherlands’ China policy was much more neutral. Conclusions that can be drawn from these findings are that government policies may not necessarily reflect public opinion and that soft power might not actually be as important as frequently is assumed. Furthermore, it indicates that it might not be as important for a country like China to have soft power amongst the general public, as to be positively perceived within a country’s government.Show less
This thesis focuses on the peacekeeping partnership between the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), in the context of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It investigates the...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the peacekeeping partnership between the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), in the context of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It investigates the question: “How did the AU and the UN institutional (in)compatibility impact the effectiveness of AMISOM?” Both the practical and executive sides of the institutions involved, and the congruence between the mandate, resources, and activities undertaken are considered when evaluating the effectiveness of the mission. This is done using the congruence component of the analytical framework of Effectiveness of Peace Operations Network (EPON). This part of the framework describes the strategic intent, mandate and aims to understand whether the mission has achieved its mandated tasks, and the extent to which there was consensus about this among various stakeholders. While the mission had a clear mandate, the main form of logistical support, the United Nations Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA), was not designed to do its job. Mainly because it had roots in the UN’s bureaucratic system, UNSOA was never able to meet the expectations of the mandate and objectives of AMISOM. The partnership between the AU and the UN was born out of the mutual recognition that alone, neither of them could cope with the multitude of security challenges facing Somalia. The mission had a peace-enforcement nature but was unable to successfully carry out its mandate and objectives because of the limitation of using peacekeeping logistics. The inability of overcoming the institutional differences between the two organizations has led to the failure to accomplish the mission’s mandate and the additional objectives and has led to an ineffective peacekeeping partnership that was not successful in living up to its full potential. For future peacekeeping partnerships, this means that working on a more equal and consistent relationship between the AU and the UN will likely improve the effectiveness of the collaboration and the mandate, objectives, and activities of the mission.Show less
Cyberspace is increasingly establishing itself as a domain where malicious actors can achieve quick, asymmetric strategic gains. In response to this trend, many Western states are increasingly...Show moreCyberspace is increasingly establishing itself as a domain where malicious actors can achieve quick, asymmetric strategic gains. In response to this trend, many Western states are increasingly turning to offensive cyber operations to ward off or respond to these events. However, a key question dominating this turn by the West is how ethical, or just, conflict by the West in cyberspace really is. Using a Just War Theory lens, this thesis explores the extent to which modern, Western cyber operation abide by the Jus Ad Bellum principles of Just War Theory. Ultimately, this thesis finds that many Western cyber operations do not abide by an idealized ‘gold standard’ of JWT for cyber: however, there is room for improvement in the future.Show less
A review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon...Show moreA review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon traditional security considerations resulting in a definition of the Russo-Iranian relationship that is instrumental, limited, and asymmetric – an ‘axis of convenience’. However, the last decade reveals that both Russia and Iran have been able to consolidate their bilateral security ties despite apparent clashes and historical mistrust. Contributing to constructivist scholarship, this thesis engages with international recognition to gain insight into the ideational and normative underpinnings of the Russo-Iranian partnership, in order to provide a new take upon the question why, and to what extent, the partnership does work – instead of why it does not, or will not, work. A constructivist analysis of international recognition and misrecognition has been conducted to answer this thesis’ main research question: What are the ideational underpinnings driving the Russo-Iranian security congruence? The findings in this thesis provide a balanced and contextualized account of both powers’ foreign policies and give greater attention to the forces of congruence shaping the Russo-Iranian partnership in the Middle East and beyond.Show less
This thesis studies the mediation of discourse around the coca leaf in Bolivia. In the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, the coca leaf became classified as a narcotic drug. Indigenous...Show moreThis thesis studies the mediation of discourse around the coca leaf in Bolivia. In the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, the coca leaf became classified as a narcotic drug. Indigenous groups in Bolivia ascribe great value to the coca leaf and call it a cultural practice. Thus, a political and cultural dichotomy exists with regard to the signification of the coca leaf. While the academic record has confirmed the existence of different types of discourse, it remains unclear how those have been constructed. Through carrying out a Foucauldian discourse analysis, and with Foucault’s ‘regime of truth’ in mind, this thesis deconstructs the discourse around the coca leaf. It concludes that the prohibitionist discourse is based on racial premises and the metaphor that perceives drugs as a diabolical force. Secondly, the discourses articulated by the MAS-government is based on a cultural argument, on indigenous knowledge and decolonisation.Show less
For many years, the Banyamulenge, a semi-nomadic community living in South Kivu, aspired to have a demarcated territory that was under their authority. This aspiration was realized in September...Show moreFor many years, the Banyamulenge, a semi-nomadic community living in South Kivu, aspired to have a demarcated territory that was under their authority. This aspiration was realized in September 1999 when the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) created the ‘’territory of Minembwe’’ granting the Banyamulenge the opportunity to be autonomous after many years of marginalization and subjugation to the customary chiefs of other ethnic communities. This thesis looks at the ways in which the Banyamulenge’s territorial aspirations arose by exploring the concepts of ‘’belonging’’ and ‘’autochthony’’. Furthermore, by documenting the Banyamulenge’s historical trajectory in the Congo this thesis aims to contextualise the creation of Minembwe and analyse the impact of its creation.Show less
This thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the...Show moreThis thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the importance of multilateralism, military restraint, and upholding the status quo. Using these elements, the thesis will evaluate how the idea of ESA aligns with Germany’s strategic culture. This paper uses an interdisciplinary lens to draw upon the disciplines of history, sociology, psychology, political science, and international relations. Along with interviews and a content analysis of primary and secondary sources, the analysis shows that Germany’s strategic culture does influence its interpretation of ESA, which effects its ambition on the topic. This is a relevant topic as in September 2021, Germany will elect a new Chancellor, offering the opportunity to transition its security and defense policies.Show less
Following the hypotheses that comparing different attempts at generating peace within a given intrastate conflict is a useful endeavour and secondly that contemporary academic research on peace...Show moreFollowing the hypotheses that comparing different attempts at generating peace within a given intrastate conflict is a useful endeavour and secondly that contemporary academic research on peace agreements fails to adequately assess the process leading to the fabrication of negative peace, this research will consist of two sections. Firstly, it shall introduce the new phases-of-peace model. A theoretical framework which goes beyond the reach of the overarching theories of peace and takes into account the full range of events which precede the signing of a peace agreement. Secondly it will apply this model to the Colombian case in order to extract valuable lessons by comparing the Pastrana and Santos peace negotiations. The ultimate aim of this research is to utilize the phases-of-peace model to highlight which factors changed between the negotiations and what role they played in the outcome of the negotiations.Show less
White supremacist extremism was thought to have been pushed to the fringes of society, but has steadily become more prominent in mainstream society. There are many possible reasons as to why this...Show moreWhite supremacist extremism was thought to have been pushed to the fringes of society, but has steadily become more prominent in mainstream society. There are many possible reasons as to why this is the case, such as technological advancements making it easier to connect to likeminded individuals or the increased presence of populism in right-wing politics. However, in this thesis I will make the case that President Donald Trump has played a significant role in appealing to, and encouraging white supremacists by using overt and covert racial language.Show less
