While development literature generally understands NGOs as main catalysts for bottom-up and cost-effective development projects, feminist critiques of women’s NGOs generally argue that they...Show moreWhile development literature generally understands NGOs as main catalysts for bottom-up and cost-effective development projects, feminist critiques of women’s NGOs generally argue that they undermine the quest of social movements for a new social order as well as the very foundations of feminism. Critical feminist scholars believe that feminism has been mainstreamed into development agendas and therefore ‘NGOized’ (Jenkins 2011, Roy 2011, Pearce 2010). The term ‘NGOization’ which is commonly understood as the depoliticization, professionalization and institutionalization of movements for social change (Kamat 2004, Hemment 2007) has been widely discussed in recent critical development literature. A point largely dismissed by critical feminist scholars analyzing the severe implications for feminist movements is the need for relativization and contextualization. This thesis contributes to filling a gap in the academic literature by discussing the relevance of a feminist critique of the process of institutionalization and professionalization of feminism and women’s grassroots movements, while at the same time exploring the extent to which the concept of ‘NGOization’ only provides a partial understanding of the realities lived by feminist activists and women at the grass-roots and at the NGO level alike. In other words, this dissertation stresses the need to move beyond a one-sided understanding of the ‘NGOization’ concept that overemphasizes the negative impacts and effects of these developments. In order to do so, this thesis argues that feminist NGOs are best understood when their hybrid nature is taken into account. Hybridity means that they expand their sphere of influence both at the grassroots levels and in the institutional sphere. As such, NGOs need to be understood as “spaces for the exercise of power, both liberatory and oppressive” (Costa 2014, 172). Therefore, the following research question is explored: What are the opportunities and limitations of transforming women’s movements into women’s NGOs in Peru?Show less
From 1993 onwards, Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, became the epicentre of the abduction and murder of women. This phenomenon is referred to as feminicide, the misogynistic killing of women for gender...Show moreFrom 1993 onwards, Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, became the epicentre of the abduction and murder of women. This phenomenon is referred to as feminicide, the misogynistic killing of women for gender reasons, for being women. Due to the lack of State responsibility, the killings were not investigated, perpetrators were not prosecuted or convicted, victims were blamed, and the access to justice was thus restricted. Therefore, feminicides are associated with a high level of impunity. In order to address the high feminicide rate and the issue of impunity accordingly, the Mexican State implemented gender-based violence legislation that includes the act of feminicide as its most extreme form. Moreover, feminicides have been classified as an official crime in the Federal Criminal Code and in the Criminal Code of the State of Chihuahua. Hence, this thesis aims to examine the feminicides of Ciudad Juárez and the impact of the changes in legislation in relation to the issue of impunity, in order to establish what this reveals about how impunity can be addressed effectively.Show less
When discussing progressive politics, Uruguay stands out as the most secular and socially inclusive of all Latin American nations (Encanarción 2016, 9). Moreover, with marijuana, abortion and same...Show moreWhen discussing progressive politics, Uruguay stands out as the most secular and socially inclusive of all Latin American nations (Encanarción 2016, 9). Moreover, with marijuana, abortion and same-sex marriage being legalized, Uruguay has solidified its position amongst the most progressive countries worldwide. With regards to the inclusion of the homosexual community, most interesting is the high rate of general acceptance of homosexuality by the Uruguayan population. This is where the country strongly differentiates itself from the rest of the region; it is the only country in the region where the majority of the population expressed favorability towards same-sex marriage. This raises the question as to how it is possible that a country in the rather conservative Latin American region manages to exert such a progressive discourse.Show less
During the 20th century many Latin American countries successfully fulfilled the transition to democracy process. Both Chile and Argentina democratised during the 20th century. However, the...Show moreDuring the 20th century many Latin American countries successfully fulfilled the transition to democracy process. Both Chile and Argentina democratised during the 20th century. However, the democracies that developed after the process differed. In Chile, Pinochet executed a lot of control over the transition to democracy, whereas in Argentina, Videla only slightly influenced the transition to democracy. In both countries a successful democracy was established with a different basis. Thus, the role of the dictator during the transition to democracy process is not clear-cut, and the development of democracy depends on many different factors, which are not always controllable.Show less
Following mass demonstrations in Brazil for the impeachement of Dilma Rousseff and the increasing relevance of local city governments in global politics this paper examines and analyses the...Show moreFollowing mass demonstrations in Brazil for the impeachement of Dilma Rousseff and the increasing relevance of local city governments in global politics this paper examines and analyses the possible effects of 'glocal' governing on the Brazilian population. This paper takes the city government and population of São Paulo as Case Study.Show less
Based on the resent Venezuelan economic crisis turned political crisis, this paper discusses how this transition influenced the treatment of protesters. To analyse these events and their...Show moreBased on the resent Venezuelan economic crisis turned political crisis, this paper discusses how this transition influenced the treatment of protesters. To analyse these events and their interconnectivity, politicisation and militarisation were consulted. Moreover, the effects of continues politicisation on Venezuela's public security were discussed in connection with an increase in militarisation. Through this research securitisation was identified as the connecting element for an increase in militarisation as a result of continues politicisation.Show less
Comparing corruption with an infectious disease, the United Nations Convention Against Corruption refers to corruption as “an insidious plague that has a wide range of corrosive effects on...Show moreComparing corruption with an infectious disease, the United Nations Convention Against Corruption refers to corruption as “an insidious plague that has a wide range of corrosive effects on societies” (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2004, iii). With this in view, corruption is considered to be systemic to Mexico. Corrupt behaviour on highest political and economic levels is passed down across society and excludes the poorest from access to social and public services, economic participation and support. Given the stagnating poverty level, with an estimated 47,3% of people living in poverty in 2016, corruption is seen as a major impediment to economic and social development in Mexico (CONEVAL 2016; Castro and Nevárez 2015, 220-1). Although the Mexican government has, time and again, made efforts to introduce binding anti-corruption laws, these legislative changes have proved inefficient due to weak rule of law and the lack of transparency in the political administration (Davis 2008, 55-6, Tromme and Otaola 2014, 573). The structural digitisation of bureaucratic processes in the public sector is seen as a possible means to curb corruption by establishing transparency, efficiency and the rule of law (Boucher 2017 12; Kshetri and Voas 2018, 12; Hughes 2017, 661-3). Yet, in the Mexican case, although a collective political will to implement such strategies for structural digitisation is visible, there is adverse evidence to the effectiveness of such efforts as systemic corruption seems to be perpetuated at individual level, undermining collective efforts. Given these circumstances, Blockchain technology has recently emerged as a technological solution to many of these issues related to corruption. In fact, the technology has been ascribed the potential “to fundamentally shift the way in which society operates” (Wright and De Filipi 2016, 2). As such, the proposed paper hypothesises that a government-led application of Blockchain technology in public administration and services could indeed facilitate a structural eradication of the prevalent systemic corruption in Mexico. Based on this assumption, a practical framework is suggested for the structural implementation of Blockchain technology in Mexico’s public administration and services.Show less
Despite their deeply patriarchal and macho culture, Latin America, and more recently Turkey, have seen a rise of female leaders in national politics. This paper’s intention is to explain this...Show moreDespite their deeply patriarchal and macho culture, Latin America, and more recently Turkey, have seen a rise of female leaders in national politics. This paper’s intention is to explain this phenomenon by studying the impact of local culture and the gender roles that it engenders on the political behaviour of female politicians, and how female leaders make use of those gender roles to gain popularity and support. The paper runs through the local history and culture of the aforementioned regions with respect to female presence in politics, and exposes the male/female leadership models used by female politicians. Thence, it takes a deeper look into three contemporary female political figures, each corresponding to a different female leadership model: Cristina Kirchner for “wife”, Michelle Bachelet for “daughter”, and Meral Akşener for “neither”, signifying an independent female leader. The results obtained through visual and Critical Discourse Analysis reveal that the three scrutinized female politicians resort to both female and male gender roles, enabling them to benefit from the advantages of both gender roles, consequently increasing their political popularity and grip on power.Show less
All over the world many indigenous communities leave their lands and move to the cities in order to conduct a new life. At the same time, these communities find themselves in a very vulnerable...Show moreAll over the world many indigenous communities leave their lands and move to the cities in order to conduct a new life. At the same time, these communities find themselves in a very vulnerable position, considering that they often face discrimination and struggle to fully adapt to their new environments. This research focuses on the case study of Chile and of the Mapuche community in particular. For historical and economic reasons, many Mapuche had to migrate to Santiago and other cities and as for 2002, two thirds of the whole Mapuche community lived in the city. Through the analysis of David Añiñir's collection of poems and the website of the political and social organization Meli WIxan Mapu, both residing in Santiago but of Mapuche heritage, this thesis argues that there is still a strong attachment to the indigenous community. The analysis is embedded within the theoretical framework of ethno-symbolism, an approach on identity developed by British sociologist Anthony Smith. The analysis sheds light on how ethno-symbolism contributes to a deeper understanding of how the Mapuche people living in the city relate to their identity.Show less
The concept of transitional justice is referred to actions taken to redress massive human rights violations after periods of political turmoil, state repression or armed conflict. The process of...Show moreThe concept of transitional justice is referred to actions taken to redress massive human rights violations after periods of political turmoil, state repression or armed conflict. The process of transitional justice is supposed to find the truth about the violations that occurred during a conflict and to create justice for the victims. In Peru, the transitional justice process started after the fall of the regime of former President Alberto Fujimori in 2000, and was supposed to address the human rights violations that occurred during the civil war between the State and the communist guerrilla group called the Shining Path. During Fujimori’s authoritarian regime from 1990 until 2000, there was a high level of political corruption, with branches like the judiciary, Congress, the military, the police, and even the president himself all being very corrupt. The transitional justice process tries to create more transparency and reduce impunity, which could lead to a decrease in the level of corruption. However, corruption is often not considered a human rights violation and therefore not focused on during the transitional justice process.Show less
Since 2006, the Caravan of Central American Mothers travels across Mexico to look for their children who have disappeared in this nation while trying to reach the U.S. illegally. Their search...Show moreSince 2006, the Caravan of Central American Mothers travels across Mexico to look for their children who have disappeared in this nation while trying to reach the U.S. illegally. Their search became a battle against the systematic disappearance of migrants in transit and the massive violation of their human rights which are currently taking place in Mexico, in the indifference of the State and the society. By conducting a close cultural analysis of the symbolic practices used by the Caravan during its protests, this thesis argues that the Caravan’s mobilization of their motherhood, which intertwines with commemorative and dignifying acts, is a powerful tool aimed at humanizing the experience of illegal migrants and fostering respect for them and their rights. This is particularly relevant in a context in which structural and cultural violence feed into each other contributing to dehumanize the figure of the illegal migrant.Show less
The Global Financial crisis of 2008 reached countries all around the world while the United States and Europe experienced their worst economic contraction in the last 75 years. There was a fear...Show moreThe Global Financial crisis of 2008 reached countries all around the world while the United States and Europe experienced their worst economic contraction in the last 75 years. There was a fear that the economic turmoil would also severely impact Latin American countries, which had already experienced several crises in recent decades. However, what baffled many experts was how Latin America reacted to the crisis of 2008. Contrary to the reservations of the experts, Latin America emerged from the crisis with only limited damage. In this paper, the impacts of the crisis and the regions reaction to the economic contraction will be analysed in the context of Mexico and Brazil. The aim is to compare the two countries to establish a thorough understanding of the crisis and its country specific implication while providing an answer to the surprising economic resilience of Latin American countries.Show less
20% of the Brazilian Amazon has been deforested to date; this threatens the provisioning of vital ecosystem services, some of which are of relevance internationally. This thesis analyzes how...Show more20% of the Brazilian Amazon has been deforested to date; this threatens the provisioning of vital ecosystem services, some of which are of relevance internationally. This thesis analyzes how neoliberalism has influenced the development of deforestation and agri-business in the Brazilian Amazon. The implementation of neoliberal policies in the 1990’s has been instrumental in the exponential growth of agri-business sectors such as cattle and soy within the Brazilian Amazon. Neoliberalism also reconfigured the primary driver of deforestation from the national government to private enterprise, Brazilian agri-business currently represents the primary driver of deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon. In addition, federally directed development and conservation policies have also been influential in terms of deforestation rates in the Brazilian Amazon. Neoliberalism, deforestation, agri-business, development policy and conservation policy will all be engaged in order to assess how neoliberalism has impacted agri-business and deforestation within the Brazilian Amazon.Show less
The Mapuche community is an indigenous group in Chile and Argentina and can be considered a cross-border nation. Since the establishment of national borders and nationalization programs by the...Show moreThe Mapuche community is an indigenous group in Chile and Argentina and can be considered a cross-border nation. Since the establishment of national borders and nationalization programs by the Chilean and Argentinian governments, the group has diminished. There are less Mapuche in Argentina and only a small amount of speakers of Mapudungun (the Mapuche language). Chile has a larger Mapuche community and is well known for its activism, such as political participation and protests. This thesis analyses the differences between the Chilean and Argentinian Mapuche and what the reasons are behind those differences. The main focus is on the indigenous rights, including land rights and the offer of bilingual education. The most important reasons lined out for the differences can be traced back to historical events, and are often a result of the nationalization processes and governmental policies towards indigenous groups.Show less
In 2007, President Rafael Correa proposed the unique idea to refrain from oil extraction in one of the most biologically diverse areas of the world and home to indigenous groups, the ITT block of...Show moreIn 2007, President Rafael Correa proposed the unique idea to refrain from oil extraction in one of the most biologically diverse areas of the world and home to indigenous groups, the ITT block of the Yasuní National Park. It was seen to be building on the concept of Buen Vivir, following a new pathway towards a new vision of society and development. However, in 2013, it all came tumbling down when President Correa decided to terminate the historic initiative. The paradoxical position of the government, both responsible for the implementation and dependent on exploitation for its finance has often been part of the discussions surrounding the initiative. This thesis provides a critical discourse analysis of the official political speeches of Rafael Correa in order to allow for a new understanding of how the Yasuní-ITT initiative failed. This thesis aims to explore the development strategy of Rafael Correa by analysing how is Buen Vivir appropriated in the official political discourse with regards to the Yasuní-ITT initiative.Show less
This thesis analyses how prolific musicians of the time Gilberto Gil and Criolo have provided social and political commentary on behalf of traditionally marginalised communities in Brazil, and in...Show moreThis thesis analyses how prolific musicians of the time Gilberto Gil and Criolo have provided social and political commentary on behalf of traditionally marginalised communities in Brazil, and in what way they have been able to provide such commentaries.Show less
This thesis deals with the current inequality levels present in Chile and how these are highly reflected in the education system. In-depth research has been conducted on how the implementation of...Show moreThis thesis deals with the current inequality levels present in Chile and how these are highly reflected in the education system. In-depth research has been conducted on how the implementation of the neoliberal economic model has created segregation in education. The higher level of education has been used as a case study in order to illustrate the levels of inequality and social discontent present in Chile. Finally, in order to gain better knowledge and overview of the reluctance towards this neoliberal system in education, two student revolutions (2006 and 2011) are taken into analysis. These manifestations have risen due to the unequal access and opportunities in higher education and is seen as a symptom of this. Although Chile has the healthiest economy in the region of Latin America, it is also the country that presents one of the highest levels of inequality in the world, making it an ideal country to analyse. Since the implementation of the economic neoliberal model in 1973, Chile has performed with great economic growth. It has even been labelled as the “Economic Miracle”. Nevertheless, the neoliberal model has had various consequences, which are analysed throughout this paper. Moreover, the economic model in education is put into question as it is benefiting mainly students from higher class families and putting into financial burden those from lower social classes.Show less
