Chile has been known for its transition from an authoritarian military regime to a democracy in 1990. This shift in government transformed the country on many aspects, as it did gradually with the...Show moreChile has been known for its transition from an authoritarian military regime to a democracy in 1990. This shift in government transformed the country on many aspects, as it did gradually with the attitudes of the Chilean youth towards the education system. The latter named, however, has not been changed tremendously in the past two decades and half. Students have slowly but surely managed to show their discontent with the education system. According to Marco Kremerman in ‘La privatización de la educación: estudio del caso chileno’ (2008) ‘the Chilean educational system has been configured as a true ‘apartheid’ and segregation is seen both ‘between’ and ‘inside’ of different types of establishments’ (31). Chilean high school and university students dared to express their views on what could be changed about the education system, after the transition of governments. This paper will embark on framing the issue of marketization of education and how it has been contributed to the construction a collective identity of new student movements in the Republic of Chile. The central objective of this thesis will be to elucidate how framing contributed to the construction of a collective identity of student movements in 2006 and 2011. As a consequence, the central hypothesis of this study argues that the privatization of education in the market economy resulted into the two student revolution in Chile. Chapter one of the thesis will provide the reader with the theoretical framework. It is divided into three subchapters; ‘old’ vs. ‘new’ social movements, framing theory and collective identity. Next to that, chapter two will be a contextualization, and thus link the theories or concepts mentioned above in the first chapter to the case study in chapter three. Within chapter two, first of all a socio-historical background of new student movements will be examined upon. In a chronological order; first of all the ‘Penguin Revolution’ of 2006 shall be discussed before the ‘Chilean Winter’ of 2011 will be examined upon. Furthermore, the dissimilarities between public vs. private institutions will be exposed with its voucher system and all its consequences. At last, the case study in chapter three will analyze the ‘Penguin Revolution’ and the ‘Chilean Winter’ by applying the research techniques and definitions used in the theoretical framework combined with the contextualization in chapter two. The methodology that will be used in this field of study will be quantitative research from Nicolás M. Somma, associate researcher at the Centre for Social Conflict and Cohesion Studies in Chile (COES) and Professor of Sociology at the Pontificia Universidad Católica . He collected a dataset of the protests by using newspapers, radio, websites and social movement organizations. Therefore I regard him as a very reliable and independent source. As qualitative research I will use a conducted interview by Lucia Newman from Aljazeera English. Before working for Aljazeera in 2006 she had 20 years of experience working for the CNN and reported throughout Latin America (Los Angeles Times, 2006). The interview she conducted in 2011 was with Giorgio Jackson, a prominent student leader. Since 2014 he holds the position of delegate of the Republic of Chile (BBC Mundo, 2016). As I spend a part of by Bachelor International Studies in Chile I also briefly interviewed a Chilean friend who participated in the student protests and studied Marketing and Strategic Communication.Show less
Eva Peron is often seen as a populist, like her husband Juan Peron. It has long been discussed in academic papers that both of them had personalistic and plebiscitarian approaches to the masses,...Show moreEva Peron is often seen as a populist, like her husband Juan Peron. It has long been discussed in academic papers that both of them had personalistic and plebiscitarian approaches to the masses, but what has not been yet discussed in depth is the synergy that existed between the two. Eva Peron was complementing the populism of the colonel in numerous ways. This thesis will discuss how and why could she be considered a populist and how she completed Peron in her actions and discourse. The research will be carried out looking at the state of the art of the concept of populism as a way to understand whether it could fit Eva Peron’s approach or not, and will then analyse the factors that inspired the idea that her and Peron were working as two sides of the same coin.Show less
Even though the international system is changing, hegemonic countries, such as the United States, and key international forums have appeared to hold on to more traditional power dynamics in order...Show moreEven though the international system is changing, hegemonic countries, such as the United States, and key international forums have appeared to hold on to more traditional power dynamics in order to maintain their power positions. This has made it more difficult for Latin America as a region, and its individual countries, to become completely independent, economically and politically, from foreign actors. However, since the start of the 21st century, a new kind of regionalism has been established in Latin America described by some as ‘post-hegemonic’ and ‘post-neoliberal’ regionalism. The Union of South American Nations or la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas (UNASUR) has been one of the most recent regional organisations in Latin America which appears to have been incorporated in this new wave of regionalism.Show less
Colombia has experienced outstanding levels of violence in the past decades due to the internal armed conflict in which various illegal armed groups participated. One of these was the United Self...Show moreColombia has experienced outstanding levels of violence in the past decades due to the internal armed conflict in which various illegal armed groups participated. One of these was the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC, Autodefensas), the umbrella organisation of the pro-state, right-wing paramilitaries that developed close ties with state agencies and politicians. These corrupt networks, known as parapolitics, not only provided protection and economic benefits to the paramilitaries but also allowed them to influence the political sphere. Hence, paramilitary-state collusion also shaped the demobilisation process of these structures that occurred between 2003-2006. According to prominent organisations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, the flaws of the transitional justice framework under which AUC demobilised, for instance the lack of sufficient investigation, allowed the continuation of paramilitarism. Re-emergent paramilitary structures are now present in 24 out of 32 departments of the country and are continuing shape politics, which also implies the continuation of paramilitary violence. This essay analyses the case of AUC and the re-emerging paramilitary structures to understand how corruption allows the continuation of paramilitary violence and parapolitics despite the demobilisation of the Autodefensas.Show less
This paper seeks to identify and expand the discussion on the implementation of fair trade and food sovereignty strategies within the context of the Nicaraguan coffee industry. These strategies...Show moreThis paper seeks to identify and expand the discussion on the implementation of fair trade and food sovereignty strategies within the context of the Nicaraguan coffee industry. These strategies have been proposed within the academic debate as complementary, therefore, this paper explores in how far this proposal has been considered in terms of both historically contextual challenges, as well as theoretical challenges presented by each strategy. The theoretical framework of food regimes, and of the corporate food regime as an extension, is utilised in order to present the various actors and ideological backgrounds relevant to this discussion. Additionally, this paper outlines the global and national contexts of coffee production in order to place any findings in its appropriate context. Lastly, the theoretical issues found through the aforementioned discussion is explored within the case study of the ‘Food and Nutrition Sovereignty and Security Law’ or law 693. This paper proposes that future expansion on this topic consider more closely the following dimensions of the debate: historical legacies of revolution; universalist approaches within the two strategies; the absence of food sovereignty institutionalisation within the academic debate; and the failure to seriously accept the trend of corporatisation of fair trade.Show less
Drug-trafficking, corruption and violence are all highly negative phenomena and currently present throughout the Mexican states. In the last years of the twentieth century policies of...Show moreDrug-trafficking, corruption and violence are all highly negative phenomena and currently present throughout the Mexican states. In the last years of the twentieth century policies of decentralisation of the political power began in Mexico parallel to a democratic transition. This led to a change in the already existing corrupt practices within the country. Decentralisation of the government in transitional countries increases corruption, while corruption within public institutions predisposes to less crime reporting due to less faith in the system. The aim of this piece is to explain the persistently high levels of violence caused by drug-trafficking organisations in some Mexican states after decentralisation of the political power. The method chosen for this paper is the use of literary sources complemented by quantitative data, presenting it in tables and then constructing graphs to show the correlation coefficient between the investigated parameters. It was discovered that a higher rate of perceived corruption and a poorer justice efficiency performance could very well explain the persistently high levels of violence caused by drug-trafficking organisations in some Mexican states.Show less
In many extractive economies natural resource has the potential to be detrimental to development through the disabling of the countries’ economies, and could be an incentive for mismanagement...Show moreIn many extractive economies natural resource has the potential to be detrimental to development through the disabling of the countries’ economies, and could be an incentive for mismanagement compared to countries without substantial natural resources (Holden 870). This phenomenon is known as the resource curse (Badeeb et al. 123). This study is a critical assessment of the resource curse theory with regards to the management of Venezuela’s state-owned oil company (PDVSA). It investigates the arguments of the resource curse theory that the resource abundance curses institutions through poor governance and promotes high government spending and corruption (Tornell and Lane 34). To achieve the aim of the research, this study reviews the rent-seeking model and the institutional model of the resource curse theory, and examines their applications to Venezuela’s state-owned company. Since the resource curse theory does not give sufficient explanation hence, institutionalism as a different school of thought has been used to complement the theory. The empirical findings and discussion indicates evidence of the rent-seeking model and institutional model in addition to the rationality of institutionalism. This in other words means that the resource curse theory cannot entirely explain the case of Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, PDVSA.Show less
The reputation of politicians and their parties has not been spared by Brazil’s ever deepening political crisis, as a variety of corruption scandals have delegitimised a large part of the country’s...Show moreThe reputation of politicians and their parties has not been spared by Brazil’s ever deepening political crisis, as a variety of corruption scandals have delegitimised a large part of the country’s political establishment (Watts; Addley). Considering the dimensions of these scandals (Associated Press in Brasilia), citizens may wonder whether the men and women they elected feel obliged to serve their society. Putting scandals aside, the prevalence of income and wealth inequality in the country is another problem that raises this question. One of the country’s structural issues, inequality harms society by increasing criminality and political instability (dos Santos et al. 111; Price of Inequality 83-92). Although Brazilian politicians could tackle this issue by introducing a system of progressive taxation where wealthier citizens are taxed more than less wealthy ones, they have allowed that a system of regressive taxation remains in place (Price of Inequality 31; Andrade 837-840; Junqueira 93). Income taxes could be used to counter this problem, but since the Brazilian government relies less on them, the tax structure remains regressive (Price of Inequality 30-74; Economics of the Public Sector 453; Andrade 837-840). While there have been attempts to reform the tax system in the past, no tax reform has been passed in the favour of wealth redistribution (Junqueira 93; Andrade 849). Moreover, in light of the myriad of scandals in Brazil’s political arena at the moment, one may wonder whether the country’s politicians feel any sense of duty towards its citizens. In an attempt to come closer to examining how self-interested Brazil’s political class actually is, this paper will use the tax reform attempt of 2008 to determine whether income redistribution – a form of ‘greater good’ – is regarded as a priority for Brazilian politicians. After analysing eleven political debates by Brazilian deputies from the 53rd legislature, this research has found that inequality still cannot be seen as a priority for most of the country’s political class. This can be explained by considering Brazilian political culture and how it has been shaped by history.Show less
In 2008, Brazil introduced a new public policy called the Unidade de Policía Pacificadora (UPP), specifically aimed at improving security within the favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro. The level of...Show moreIn 2008, Brazil introduced a new public policy called the Unidade de Policía Pacificadora (UPP), specifically aimed at improving security within the favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro. The level of excessive violence in combination with the permanent presence of the police as a result of the programme sparked a lot of international attention. The UPP programme, however, also has a second objective after a specific level of security is achieved, which is to improve citizenship of the residents living within these areas. This study focuses on the latter objective in order to analyse the level of success of this programme in relation to the improvement of citizenship of the favela residents. Furthermore, the approach of the perspective of the state is used in the history and analysis, to focus on the role of the state in addressing complex issues in neglected areas. By understanding and explaining the difficult historical relations between the state and favelas and the residents, and by analysing previous initiatives aimed at inclusion and integration of the favelas and its residents, this study gives a brief overview of the history of the dualities in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The analysis of the UPP programme uses four main lenses through which the level of citizenship is analysed: a) recognition; b) inclusion; c) participation; and d) integration.Show less
With Raúl Castro taking over as president in 2008, the country has seen economic reform. Raúl allowed for Cubans to buy cars and houses and Cubans were allowed to work for themselves as...Show moreWith Raúl Castro taking over as president in 2008, the country has seen economic reform. Raúl allowed for Cubans to buy cars and houses and Cubans were allowed to work for themselves as entrepreneurs. With these alterations in the economy the question has risen in the international community whether Cuba will transition to a free market economy. The thesis will analyse Poland and China and will compare this to Cuba in order to come to a conclusion.Show less
The field of environmental protection has experienced attention in the global political economy. Brazil is a key player in environmental protection and developed various effective measures to...Show moreThe field of environmental protection has experienced attention in the global political economy. Brazil is a key player in environmental protection and developed various effective measures to mitigate degradation of the environmentShow less
Venezuela has one of the largest oil resource in the world and the oil sector is one of the most prone sectors to corruption. As the Corruption Perception Index shows is the level of corruption in...Show moreVenezuela has one of the largest oil resource in the world and the oil sector is one of the most prone sectors to corruption. As the Corruption Perception Index shows is the level of corruption in Venezuela also one of the highest of Latin America. In this thesis the level of influence of corruption on the resource curse will be assessed, specifically looking at the case study of Venezuela during the Bolivarian Revolution of Hugo Chávez. First, a theoretical framework is created in order to understand the relation between corruption and the resource curse. Second, a contextualization is provided through analyzing the Punto Fijo Pact which preceded the Hugo Chávez government. In this chapter increasing dissatisfaction of the Venezuelan population is shown, which together with the Caracazo massacre, created a platform for Hugo Chávez to gain power and popularity. In the third chapter, the theoretical framework will be applied to Chávez’s Venezuela and its consequences. Whereas the theoretical framework suggests that the resource curse is strengthened by corruption and thus will prevent a country with an abundant resource from developing, the case of Venezuela appears to be have proved the contrary. After analyzing the resource curse in Venezuela it shows that even though an abundant resource is present and corruption is still increasing, the oil revenues have allowed Hugo Chávez to fund several new socioeconomic programs which largely have benefitted the Venezuelan development.Show less
This study involves the idea of citizen security to the community policing projects in Rio de Janeiro called the UPP. In the discussion of security a Western lens is used in most studies, whereas...Show moreThis study involves the idea of citizen security to the community policing projects in Rio de Janeiro called the UPP. In the discussion of security a Western lens is used in most studies, whereas in the case of Latin America there is not a sense of public security, but rather citizen security. This study tries to examine how citizen security has been effected through the UPP projects. This is done through the theories of citizenship, police-citizenship relationships, and community policing.Show less
