Artistic freedom of expression has always been a hot topic both in the West and in the East. It is enough to think about the controversy of Richard Serra against the US government regarding the...Show moreArtistic freedom of expression has always been a hot topic both in the West and in the East. It is enough to think about the controversy of Richard Serra against the US government regarding the removal of Tilted Arc (1981) from the Federal Plaza in New York City in 1989 or the shutting down, in 2017, of the controversial Guggenheim “Art and China after 1989: Theatre of the World” exhibitions featuring abused animals. In the case of China, the issue becomes more complicated, because of what some perceive as the systematic censorship of everything that goes against the government’s narrative and criticizes it. But is this actually always the case? During my research, I encountered the book of a New York art journalist, Barbara Pollack, who for a ten-year long research focused on the Chinese contemporary art market. Here, she discussed the case of artist Wang Qingsong, arrested for pornography in 2006 and Chi Peng, an artist who made naked self-portraits having sexual intercourse in the same period but was reportedly never arrested. The author also reports of a conversation with former head of the National Art Museum of China (NAMOC), Feng Yuan, who specifies the “Four Nos” which would, according to him, always cause the censoring of art in China: “no pornography, no violence, no attacking the government or making fun of political leaders.” From this, a question spontaneously arises: “Why do some artist get censored and others do not, even while violating the Nos in similar ways?” In this research I focused on censored art in the period of the Harmonious Society Policy (2004-2014). Following from this, my research question is “Do censors’ and artists’ discourses from 2004 to 2014 suggest consistency and continuity in the enforcement of the Chinese art censorship or not?” This question’s answer will help define the state of art censorship in China in the abovementioned period, but also its development from the previous decades and into the current state. In order to research this issue, I will have to answer two sub-questions: “What elements of the artists’ and officials’ discourses could have caused the censorship?” This question is aimed at understanding what triggers censorship in controversial cases. The second one is “What elements of the artists’ and officials’ discourses could have helped them in avoiding censorship?” Thus, I will be discussing the possible triggering factors for censoring art works and the elements that saved other artworks from censorship by searching into primary and secondary documents. The case studies are censored and not censored artworks for each policy core concept exhibited in the period between 2004 and 2014. The case studies are solely regarding controversies (or the absence thereof) for artworks exhibited in Mainland China. The case studies are the following: Ren Hang’s Untitled (2012), Liu Wei’s It Looks Like a Landscape (2004) on the topic of pornography, Zhang Huan’s Giant no. 1-2-3 (2008), He Yunchang’s One Meter of Democracy (2010), for the topic of violence and Cao Fei’s RMB City: a Second Life City Planning (2007) and Zhang Dali’s Second History: Chairman Mao Reviews the Red Guards, 1966 (2005), regarding political criticism.Show less
De inzet van economisch sancties door politieke leiders om hun diplomatieke doelstellingen te halen is de afgelopen decennia aanzienlijk toegenomen. China maakt volgens vele ook gebruik van...Show moreDe inzet van economisch sancties door politieke leiders om hun diplomatieke doelstellingen te halen is de afgelopen decennia aanzienlijk toegenomen. China maakt volgens vele ook gebruik van economische sancties, maar zelf erkent de Chinese overheid dit niet. De mate waarin er tussen 1990 en 2012 sprake was van Chinese economische sancties en de vraag hoe succesvol deze waren is het onderwerp van dit onderzoek.Show less
This thesis examines the rituals of succession in 18th century Korea and China. Producing a suitable heir to inherit the throne was an imperative for royals in order to extend their dynasty....Show moreThis thesis examines the rituals of succession in 18th century Korea and China. Producing a suitable heir to inherit the throne was an imperative for royals in order to extend their dynasty. However, from the case studies examined in this thesis, it becomes clear that there were palpable tensions between the eldest prince and the emperor incumbent. In both cases the outcome of the conflicts was execution of the heir apparent himself. The central question then is how and why these perilous cracks in the royal relationship formed between ruler and heir apparent.Show less
According to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, hydropower projects sustain economic growth and provide energy security, thus allowing the nation to become less dependent on fossil...Show moreAccording to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, hydropower projects sustain economic growth and provide energy security, thus allowing the nation to become less dependent on fossil fuels. As Chinese dams are being developed at a high pace on the Mekong river, a closer analysis is needed to find out who is behind this development. This thesis explores the Chinese state’s interestsin the field of hydropower development on the Mekong river, looking specifically at the key actors involved and how their power is exerted. Drawing on literature that moves away from state-based analyses, James N. Rosenau’s framework of spheres of authority will be used as a foundation to identify key actors and their authority in the application of hydropower plants on the Mekong. The argument that China indeed needs to be seen as a set of multiple actors with their own goals is tested by means of two case studies on dam construction, one in China and one in Laos. It is found that, in accordance with the hypothesis, one should not stare blindly at China as a monolithic state, but observe several actors within hydropower development that have different goals.Show less
This thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political...Show moreThis thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political discourse of the Obama administration for securitization moves of the rise of China. This research provides a unique perspective on the US-China security relationship and adds to the understanding how language shapes the meaning of security as well as foreign policy. This thesis shows that in discourse of the foreign policy executives of the Obama administration between May and October 2015 there are substantial instances in which the rise of China is being discussed as a threat to US economic and military securities. In line of this threat discourse, security measures are promoted and legitimized. These are among others: investing in military technology development, supporting the Trans-Pacific Partnership, promoting Chinese economic reforms, and investment in developing cyber capabilities.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is was establish how the revival of traditional gender norms by stigmatizing women’s leftover status, has influenced educated women (labeled Shengnü) in looking for a...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is was establish how the revival of traditional gender norms by stigmatizing women’s leftover status, has influenced educated women (labeled Shengnü) in looking for a future partner online. It does this by analyzing women’s profiles on an online dating website and researches women’s self-presentation and criteria for mate selection in finding a heterosexual partner. It argues that highly educated women in the workforce (in Beijing) are influenced by societal pressures, and therefore downplay their achievements, hide information and/or lower their demands to attract a suitable mate. To verify this hypothesis, a content analysis was conducted on profiles of women residing in Beijing on the largest state-owned dating website in China, Jiayuan.com.Show less
Een beschrijving van (de functies van) dans in oude Chinese rituele teksten, met name in de Zhouli (Riten van Zhou). Dans is onderdeel van een filosofie, zorgt voor orde in de chaos en was een stap...Show moreEen beschrijving van (de functies van) dans in oude Chinese rituele teksten, met name in de Zhouli (Riten van Zhou). Dans is onderdeel van een filosofie, zorgt voor orde in de chaos en was een stap in het creëren van een betere wereld.Show less
A (Dutch written) thesis about collaboration on the Chinese side on the eve of and during the second Sino-Japanese war (1937-1945). This thesis follows the reasoning of two key collaborators. Aisin...Show moreA (Dutch written) thesis about collaboration on the Chinese side on the eve of and during the second Sino-Japanese war (1937-1945). This thesis follows the reasoning of two key collaborators. Aisin-Gioro Puyi, the last emperor of China when in 1912 the empire was overthrown for a republic, became the face of the Japanese puppet state Manchukuo in 1932. Wang Jingwei, a former renowned Nationalist, took lead in the area around Nanjing in 1940. In this thesis are discussed the key reasons and motivations that made the two collaborate with expansionist Japan.Show less
During the Northern Expedition, Chiang Kai-shek enacted the Communist Purge, a very unusual decision as the Communists were his allies at the time. Which begs the question: Why did Chiang Kai-shek...Show moreDuring the Northern Expedition, Chiang Kai-shek enacted the Communist Purge, a very unusual decision as the Communists were his allies at the time. Which begs the question: Why did Chiang Kai-shek order the Communist Purge? In order to answer that question this thesis will take a closer look at the military situation at the time, the role of the Communists and Chiang Kai-shek himself.Show less
Economic and bureaucratic reforms have shaped China's political economic framework since 1978. Although these reforms made long periods of economic growth possible, new challenges arose in the form...Show moreEconomic and bureaucratic reforms have shaped China's political economic framework since 1978. Although these reforms made long periods of economic growth possible, new challenges arose in the form of often collusive corruption. This dissertation will explore the relationship between economic and bureaucratic reforms and shifting types of corruption in China between 1992 - presentShow less
The thesis addresses the growing role of strategic Chinese investments among European economies. More specifically, it focuses on the case of Germany, a country which has been one of the highest...Show moreThe thesis addresses the growing role of strategic Chinese investments among European economies. More specifically, it focuses on the case of Germany, a country which has been one of the highest beneficiaries of Chinese capital over the last decade. Investments from Chinese enterprises span across pivotal German industries (such as automotive, heavy engineering, and financial services). As a result, the research aims to investigate why the German economy and its industrial sector is a strategically important investment channel for Chinese companies on the basis of four identified hypotheses. The parameters for gauging the aforesaid framework would include technological know-how, credit risk, macroeconomic synergies, and ease of conducting business over a selected sample of European case studies in juxtaposition with Germany’s. The objective is to measure Germany’s economic competency in relation to its European counterparts, which can partially explain the behaviour of Chinese firms in regards to their expansive financial footprint in Berlin vis-a-vis other European economiesShow less
State-owned media serve as important propaganda tools for the Chinese Communist Party. The propaganda of today is represented through media framing and influence not only public opinion, but also...Show moreState-owned media serve as important propaganda tools for the Chinese Communist Party. The propaganda of today is represented through media framing and influence not only public opinion, but also promote the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. However, a worrisome trend has surfaced, namely the use of sensationalism by the state-owned media to frame political events. Even though many studies have shown interest in the media organs of the Chinese government, few studies have focused on the effect it has on Sino-Japanese relations and none have done a thorough media analysis focusing on China’s side. In addition, not much research has been conducted in examining Japanese Prime Shinzo Abe in the Chinese media. This thesis therefore examines two contrasting media reactions in response to Japanese Prime Minister Abe’s behavior, namely the exaggerated negative coverage in 2015 and the subsequent sudden positive coverage in 2017. The main method used in this thesis is the appliance of qualitative frame analysis on selected state-owned media newspaper articles. This will not only observe the framing the Chinese government does, but will also present China’s state-owned media as highly unpredictable. This thesis concludes that the negative frame of 2015 changed by the end of 2017 to a more positive frame of Abe. The Chinese public responded accordingly to this, having a worse view on Japan in 2015, but a better view by the end of 2017. The state-owned Chinese media, therefore, still serve as powerful tools of propaganda for the CCP.Show less
Since the implementation of the first Trademark Law in 1982, the Chinese government has written, implemented and revised many laws regarding trademarks in China, and yet, new cases of counterfeit...Show moreSince the implementation of the first Trademark Law in 1982, the Chinese government has written, implemented and revised many laws regarding trademarks in China, and yet, new cases of counterfeit IPhone chargers and Nike footwear floating to the service can be considered an almost daily occurrence. Understanding China’s trademark laws, their enforcement, and why it so often goes awry is of great importance for understanding China’s stance on this issue.Show less
Censorship is a theme that plays a major role in the Chinese online, but also offline society. In order to maintain the status quo of the stability of their regime, the Chinese Communist Party...Show moreCensorship is a theme that plays a major role in the Chinese online, but also offline society. In order to maintain the status quo of the stability of their regime, the Chinese Communist Party ensures that, by issuing heavy guidelines, the online communities are unable to mobilize against the central government. In this thesis, I discussed the representation of the hashtag #十九大 by Weibo, in collaboration with the People’s Daily, during the 19th National Congress. I found the topic of this project to be of importance, since I consider online censorship in China to be necessary of researching on a case-to-case basis, to assess what instantiations of censorship practices we might find across China’s online spheres. This thesis used a comparative method, involving the hashtag page on Weibo and the storage database of censored posts on Freeweibo. I found out that not only the guidelines of the central government are to blame for the restriction of free speech, but also that the company Sina and a moral sense of self-censorship are important factors that play a role in the game.Show less
