In the last few decades the internet has become an indispensable part of people’s lives. Especially the younger generations have a broad knowledge of how digital devices work and the advantages and...Show moreIn the last few decades the internet has become an indispensable part of people’s lives. Especially the younger generations have a broad knowledge of how digital devices work and the advantages and conveniences of using the internet. According to Golub and Lingley, the Chinese government has always viewed the internet with ambivalence, because on the one hand it is a sign of modernity, but on the other hand it provides access to a different world view, different opinions, and additional information, which might not conform to the government’s view (2008). However, the number of internet users in mainland China has increased from 620.000 in 1998 to 649 million people at the end of 2014, it is the world’s fastest–growing online population (Stewart 2010; CNNIC 2015). About 55% of those users are below 30 years old. In the same year, China had a total of 366 million online gamers and the largest game population in the world (CNNIC 2015). Online gaming has become a popular way for children, adolescents and adults alike to spend their free or not so free hours. However, with the gaining popularity of online and offline gaming, it often replaces other more social activities, like playing sports or real-life socializing. Gaming addiction also has become a very serious issue, which has a profound impact on society. Since 2002, there have been many cases of aggression and bizarre behavior caused by gaming addiction. Golub and Lingley (2008) mention a few in their article, such as an obese man dying after a marathon gaming session, and a 13-year old jumping of a building after playing Warcraft hoping to “join the heroes of the game” (62; Xinhua News Agency 2006). Although, in a lot of countries, there is still an ongoing debate about whether gaming addiction is an addiction at all, China was one of the first to label problematic online gaming as a clinical disorder and is together with South Korea, the Netherlands, Canada and the United States, one of the few countries that has treatment centers for internet addiction, the first being opened in 2004 (CCTV International 2009). In my thesis I will discuss different stakeholders and how they look at the phenomenon of online game addiction among Chinese youth. I will use Foucault’s theory on power relations as a supporting framework for my research (Foucault 1981). I define Chinese youth as the age group between 12 and 30, but with a focus on high school and higher education students. I define online gaming as using an internet connection while gaming, often on a computer, instead of offline gaming on a console, and focus mainly on Massively Multiplayer Online Games (MMO) as they are believed to be the most addictive online games and they are the most widespread in China.Show less
This thesis looks at whether or not Japanese prime minister Abe has framed the rise of China as a threat to Japan's security environment in order to exercise the right of collective self-defense; a...Show moreThis thesis looks at whether or not Japanese prime minister Abe has framed the rise of China as a threat to Japan's security environment in order to exercise the right of collective self-defense; a right that is currently banned under the Japanese constitution. Discourse analysis is used to analyze several incidents that have framed a China threat narrative. Based on the research, this thesis states that the Japanese government may have potentially framed China's rise in order to push for collective self-defense. Further research must be done in order to give a more general conclusion.Show less
Een beschrijving van een beroemde rol uit de Chinese kunstgeschiedenis, gemaakt door Zhang Zeduan, en hoe deze in de Song dynastie past. Daarna volgt een vergelijking met een bekende kopie van deze...Show moreEen beschrijving van een beroemde rol uit de Chinese kunstgeschiedenis, gemaakt door Zhang Zeduan, en hoe deze in de Song dynastie past. Daarna volgt een vergelijking met een bekende kopie van deze rol, gemaakt in de Qing dynastie.Show less
The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC’s) growing economic power has been frequently linked with its growing political and military power. Academic articles and Indian newspapers interpret China’s...Show moreThe People’s Republic of China’s (PRC’s) growing economic power has been frequently linked with its growing political and military power. Academic articles and Indian newspapers interpret China’s Maritime Silk Road (MSR) policy in threatening and in a non-threatening ways. The dominant discourse interprets the MSR from realist (strategic competition) and liberalist (economic cooperation) perspectives. However, the picture is not as clear-cut as it seems: the literature lacks a constructivist and poststructuralist approach. This paper attempts to fill this gap and considers the study of media representations as an important tool for understanding international relations and the promotion of foreign policy in India. It uses a poststructuralist discourse analysis as a method in the case study on the ‘China threat’ and MSR discourse in four online Indian newspapers. In line with French poststructuralist Foucault, it demonstrates the importance of discourse, identity, knowledge and power. The discursive construction of China as Other in the Indian media is based on historical identity formations. Identity is at the heart the ‘China threat’ discursive foundations: the ‘String of Pearls’ (SOP), India’s neighborhood, China-Pakistan relations and the ongoing Sino-Indian border dispute. In representing the ‘truth’ about the MSR as a future threat to India, the Indian media fails to address China’s participation in global anti-piracy missions. The ‘China threat’ discourse is produced and reproduced for India to domestically implement a strong strategic IOR policy, to invest in the army, and transnationally to deepen diplomatic ties with neighboring IOR countries and to establish a security alignment with the US and Japan.Show less
In deze masterscriptie wordt onderzocht welke frames de Nederlandse en Chinese media hanteren in de berichtgeving over de eenkindpolitiek en het 'heropvoeding door arbeid'-systeem. De aanleiding...Show moreIn deze masterscriptie wordt onderzocht welke frames de Nederlandse en Chinese media hanteren in de berichtgeving over de eenkindpolitiek en het 'heropvoeding door arbeid'-systeem. De aanleiding van dit onderzoek zijn de hervormingen van deze omstreden wetten die na een belangrijke vergadering door de Chinese partijtop zijn aangekondigd. Een kwalitatieve inductieve frameanalyse van krantenartikelen levert een overzicht op van zeven dominante frames. Verder wordt besproken welke frames in welk mediasysteem voorkomen. Hieruit blijkt dat door zowel de Chinese als de Nederlandse berichtgeving te analyseren de gereconstrueerde framebundels een completere weergave van de werkelijkheid geven dan wanneer er slechts één mediasysteem zou zijn geanalyseerd.Show less
Met de invoering van een marktgerichte economie in 1978 gingen mensen steeds meer consumeren. Zo ontstond er onder de vrouwelijke consument een groeiende behoefte aan ideeën en tips over kleding en...Show moreMet de invoering van een marktgerichte economie in 1978 gingen mensen steeds meer consumeren. Zo ontstond er onder de vrouwelijke consument een groeiende behoefte aan ideeën en tips over kleding en uiterlijke verzorging. Deze behoefte werd ingevuld door de komst van overwegend Westerse en later ook Aziatische modetijdschriften vanaf 1988 die de lokale modetijdschriften markt domineerden. De internationale tijdschriften brachten nieuwe beelden en ideeën over schoonheid met zich mee. Dankzij het groeiende aanbod aan internationale cosmetische producten werd het voor de Chinese consument mogelijk het Westerse uiterlijk na te streven. De ideeën over schoonheid en mode worden in de gemondialiseerde commerciële wereld bepaald door de keuzes van anderen. Hierbij spelen redacteuren en de inhoud van modetijdschriften in China een belangrijke rol. Werd er bij de introductie van vele internationale modetijdschriften rond de eeuwwisseling nog weinig rekening gehouden met de lokale context, zo is er de laatste jaren een trend te zien waarbij de inhoud juist wordt aangepast aan die context. Na 1978 lijkt er langzamer-hand een scheiding te zijn ontstaan tussen uiterlijke schoonheid (voornamelijk ingevuld door Westerse uiterlijke kenmerken) en de innerlijke, morele schoonheid (Chinese modellen). Het uiterlijke schoonheidsideaal is heel commercieel en wordt toegeschreven aan de culturele ‘ander’ (Westen), terwijl de innerlijke schoonheid en de daarbij horende culturele waarden blijven toegeschreven aan Chinese vrouwen.Show less
Two relevant trend can be identified as the primary driving forces behind change in the regional order of Asia. The emergence of a dense web which connects states and non-state actors through...Show moreTwo relevant trend can be identified as the primary driving forces behind change in the regional order of Asia. The emergence of a dense web which connects states and non-state actors through economic agreements, and the rise of China. The initiation of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) has developed wide speculations of China's regional ambitions. This paper attempts to provide an understanding of China's foreign policy, its motives to pursue closer integration and the implications that it will have for the regional order. The main proposition of this thesis argues that China’s foreign policy is aimed at establishing a multilateral order in regional and global economic governance with an ultimate goal of limiting economic reliance on the ‘West’. Thus, China’s aim is to pursue gradual changes within the economic order which will accommodate the economic interests and preferences of China better as well as that of other emerging and developing countries. The pursuit of a multilateral order corresponds to a need of a secure and stable environment which enables China to develop its own potential and dilute Western influences in the region without significant disruptions. The ACFTA inherently forms an aspect of China’s regional policy objectives as it serves to stabilise China’s relations with the most significant trade organisation in East Asia and corresponds to China’s desire to gain a more prominent role in international institutions and cooperative frameworks. This thesis suggests that economic interdependency forms the primary driving force behind these developments which foster the need for regional stability and closer economic cooperation. ACFTA has shown that China is willing to make significant economic concessions towards Southeast Asia in order to foster its cooperative relations. However, it should be considered that China will make the necessary concessions without damaging its ‘core interests’ in terms of economic development and access to strategic resources.Show less
Where it seems that the ideological narrative a political party or entity takes forms the base for the support it gets, since 1978 and onwards the CCP has shown it is possible to change this...Show moreWhere it seems that the ideological narrative a political party or entity takes forms the base for the support it gets, since 1978 and onwards the CCP has shown it is possible to change this ideological narrative without losing legitimacy as a ruling power. This thesis covers the changing ideology of the CCP from 1949 up till now, and offers an explanation on how the Party has been able to legitimize its shift from being a socialist state up till the end of the 1970's, to currently being one of the most capitalist countries in in the world.Show less
In recent years, there has been a resurgence of attention towards the Tibetan oral epic Gesar in the People’s Republic of China (P.R.C.). On the surface, it appears that Gesar re-enters the sight...Show moreIn recent years, there has been a resurgence of attention towards the Tibetan oral epic Gesar in the People’s Republic of China (P.R.C.). On the surface, it appears that Gesar re-enters the sight of the general public in China after the Chinese application to UNESCO was successful in 2009, by which the Gesar epic tradition is accepted and inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Immediately following the recognition from UNESCO, the Chinese publication of, on, and about Gesar exponentially thrived. All these celebrations of Gesar sounded so merry and joyous that it almost seemed a natural gesture by UNESCO, without taking into account the role of the Chinese State Apparatuses. Therefore, it is necessary to contextualize this event within the long and winding six decades of history of Gesar study in China, which has always been impossible to separate from political intentions. Constituted and powered by a gigantic and complex socio-cultural and political mechanism, which has been in motion behind the scenes long before 2009, many of these seemingly natural and spontaneous progressions of the modern image or representation of Gesar as a collective whole have always been carefully crafted. The main goal of the thesis is to identify the national ideology governing Gesar, and to show how the three main active sectors, which consist of the government, academia, and the publishing world, interact, function as, and formulate themselves into what Althusser describes as Ideological State Apparatuses, in order to reterritorialize Tibet and Tibetan culture through representing Gesar. Lastly, the final chapter is dedicated to efforts made, no matter how feeble, scattered, or spontaneous, struggling to deterritorialize the Chinese representation supported and endorsed by the hegemonic Ideological State Apparatuses.Show less
Since the beginning of the PRC, the government has vigorously influenced the identity of its citizens, by both controlling and stimulating the Muslim aspect of its citizens’ identities. The various...Show moreSince the beginning of the PRC, the government has vigorously influenced the identity of its citizens, by both controlling and stimulating the Muslim aspect of its citizens’ identities. The various outcomes of these actions range from cooperation with the state to the recent separatist stances from Chinese Muslims towards their government. This thesis investigates the factors that influence the teaching of the ‘Islamic-Chinese’ identity, such as the development of state education for Muslims; Muslim private education; the influence of study abroad; the legal framework on religious education; the influences on employment prospects; and the influences of globalization. This thesis argues that both in response to and accommodated by the Chinese government’s utilitarian approach to Muslim Chinese, from the 1980s onwards the Muslim Chinese communities created a more “Muslim” identity in ways (unforeseen and) uncontrollable by the government.Show less
This thesis explains the relevance of China's outbound tourism market, and its growth over the past two decades, from the period of early Chinese reform in the late 1980s to the current trend of...Show moreThis thesis explains the relevance of China's outbound tourism market, and its growth over the past two decades, from the period of early Chinese reform in the late 1980s to the current trend of increasing travel across the globe. China has seen a boom in its consumer culture while the government has steadily opened up access and tourism relations with more countries. This thesis also sheds light on the increasing dependence of foreign countries to push towards more accommodative tourist plans for Chinese outbound travelers.Show less
Even though much has been written about the roles ‘the West’ attributes to China, little research has been done about how the media portray China in our everyday newspapers. This would be important...Show moreEven though much has been written about the roles ‘the West’ attributes to China, little research has been done about how the media portray China in our everyday newspapers. This would be important, because how Dutch people see China is largely based on what they read about it in the newspapers or what they see about China on the television. In other words, they have a mediatized image of China. In the media, China’s growing influence is subject of ongoing debate. China is often portrayed as an opportunistic superpower, ready to take over the world. At the same time, China is said to be ‘booming business’ or might even save the world from economic disasters. By exploring the ‘sending side’ of the so‐called framing process, this thesis sheds light on the ways in which China is being portrayed in the Dutch media and on how these different and sometimes even contradictory images ‘work’. This thesis seeks to investigate the frames used by Dutch journalists in their news reports on China by doing a news frame analysis. Through an inductive frame analysis based on both elements of qualitative content analysis and grounded theory, six news frames were abstracted from the material: the miracle about to end‐, red dragon‐, white knight‐, enfant terrible‐, booming business‐ and immoral giant‐frame. The results were tested for both inter coder and test‐retest reliability. Finally, this thesis explores to what extent Beck’s risk society theory and Said’s Orientalism can explain the findings.Show less
Economic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state,...Show moreEconomic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state, thus this research tests the cooperative theory in which the focus is on the international behavior of the target state when assessing the effectiveness of economic sanctions. The research question driving this thesis is: are economic sanctions more effective in a non-cooperative authoritarian state or a cooperative authoritarian state? The two case studies are China (cooperative authoritarian state) and Iran (non-cooperative authoritarian state). Through five mechanisms, budget of the target state, opposition within the target state, type of sanction, commitment of the sender state, and dependence of the target state on the international community, the effectiveness of the sanctions is analyzed. Noticeably there is a stronger link between effective sanctions and the cooperative authoritarian state (China) in comparison with the non-cooperative authoritarian state (Iran), the international mechanisms mostly drive the effectiveness of the sanctions in the cooperative authoritarian state, and neo-realism is a very noticeable factor in utilizing economic sanctions.Show less
