This research aims to improve our understanding of the decision-making processes within the European Union (EU) concerning sanctions imposed on Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine....Show moreThis research aims to improve our understanding of the decision-making processes within the European Union (EU) concerning sanctions imposed on Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Through the implementation of a comprehensive framework, this research enables a thorough examination of the selection process for specific types of sanctions, their application across various sectors, and the consideration of exceptions. The study expands upon existing literature by integrating feedback effects into the framework, alongside normative, domestic political, and geopolitical factors, as well as diffusion effects. The findings underscore the significant influence of normative and geopolitical considerations, while also highlighting the constraints imposed by humanitarian and economic concerns. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a dynamic sanctions regime shaped by feedback mechanisms and evolving geopolitical dynamics. By providing a solid foundation, this study paves the way for future research efforts on sanction design. It enables comparisons with other entities that impose sanctions and facilitates the evaluation of diverse sanctioning instruments in terms of their effectiveness.Show less
This thesis aims to explore the evolution of Dutch media framing concerning Albania's European Union (EU) integration process. To better understand the complex dynamics impacting perceptions of...Show moreThis thesis aims to explore the evolution of Dutch media framing concerning Albania's European Union (EU) integration process. To better understand the complex dynamics impacting perceptions of Albania's EU integration, examining the media mood, framing tendencies, and the general thematic focus in Dutch news coverage is imperative. This will be guided by the theoretical framework of Liberal Intergovernmentalism Theory (LIT). The research focuses on one central question: How does the media framing of Albania in Dutch media correlate with the Dutch government's decision-making on Albania's accession process between 2018 and 2022? The findings highlight how the media can influence public opinion and policy dialogue through links between media framing and Albania's integration milestones. The findings indicate that there is a strong correlation between the portrayal of Albania in the Dutch media and the decision- making of the Dutch government on Albania's accession to the EU. The fluctuating emphasis of media framing, which reflects external influences and geopolitical dynamics, is consistent with the fundamental ideas of LIT, which hold that domestic actors must adjust to global conditions. This study emphasizes the connections among media narratives, public opinion, and policy concerns. It stresses the significance of acknowledging the media's role in promoting an informed and positive public debate on EU integration.Show less
This thesis is organized in the following way. Chapter 1 discusses relevant scholarly literature which explains the concepts of populism, Euroscepticism, Dutch right-wing political parties, Muslim...Show moreThis thesis is organized in the following way. Chapter 1 discusses relevant scholarly literature which explains the concepts of populism, Euroscepticism, Dutch right-wing political parties, Muslim immigration and integration in the Netherlands and illustrates the suitable cultural, political, and economic dimensions. Furthermore, Chapter 2 presents the methodology; a qualitative framing analysis applied to the PVV and FvD party manifestos. This thesis examines three levels demonstrating how Muslim immigrants and the EU are framed as a threat to Dutch society. These dimensions are separated into three chapters: the cultural, political, and economic dimensions. Chapter 3 presents the cultural dimension and analyzes the themes of national identity preservation, cultural clashes, stereotyping, and scapegoating. Moreover, Chapter 4 composes the political dimension with subchapters on the anti-establishment stance of the parties, national sovereignty threat, and policy proposals. The last chapter, Chapter 5, constructs the economic dimension and comprises the perceived financial burden, welfare state threat, and exclusive economic cooperation. Lastly, a discussion of the framing analysis of the manifestos and concluding remarks are presented.Show less
The outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European...Show moreThe outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European Union corresponds with a ‘No’ vote. This thesis takes the analysis of the role of Eurosceptic voting a step further by using more explanatory models of Euroscepticism, giving insight on not only the relationship with Euroscepticism as a linear factor, but also as a multi-dimensional concept and a benchmark concept. With these models, this thesis shows that perceived utility of the EU - separate from trust in the EU - is an important factor that influenced the outcome of this Ukraine referendum. Beyond this, it shows that the referendum voters’ average trust in the EU’s policy and regime is lower than their trust in the national policy and regime. This leads to the conclusion that the Dutch voters have sent a message to The Hague and Brussels that they must put more effort in showing the Netherlands’ benefits through EU membership, for lack of confidence in the EU’s utility has been a key element in not accepting this international association agreement. On a methodological level, this thesis aims to contribute to a new research method predicated on the idea of ‘average towns’ because its data is collected based on the comparability of the municipality of Heemskerk with the Netherlands as a whole, in both demographics and voting outcomes.Show less
The European microstates Andorra, Liechtenstein and the Holy See have only been partially integrated into the multi-level framework of the European Union (EU). What is puzzling to academics...Show moreThe European microstates Andorra, Liechtenstein and the Holy See have only been partially integrated into the multi-level framework of the European Union (EU). What is puzzling to academics specialized in European Integration is the stark contrast to the degree of integration into the European Union experienced by Malta and Luxembourg which have both fully integrated into the European community in comparison to these microstates. The resultant regulatory and political discrepancies between each of these microstates is investigated in this paper with an investigation into the possibility of further integration for the unincorporated microstates. The different routes to integration of economic, political, and diplomatic arrangements follow in line with the 2013 Association Framework agreement established by Brussels which this paper will use to conceptualize an analysis into wider microstate integration. This paper assumes that intergovernmental agreements between microstates and their EU member state neighbors reduce the incentives for integration into the European Union. Other assumptions rely on an investigation into the value that European microstates have in maintaining their sovereignty at the expense of gains through European integration. It also investigates economic development of these microstates to their degree of integration as a control variable, of which there is less of an impact than intergovernmental agreements. The findings of this paper highlight the importance that microstates show towards intergovernmental agreements over supranational integration.Show less
This paper investigates the causes behind the continual suspension of the European Union’s (EU) Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) under its general escape clause (GEC) throughout the period of 2020...Show moreThis paper investigates the causes behind the continual suspension of the European Union’s (EU) Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) under its general escape clause (GEC) throughout the period of 2020-2023. The GEC was triggered in March of 2020 on the recommendation of the European Commission to give member states fiscal room to cope with the COVID-19 pandemic, but has remained in place for over three years, despite the subsiding of pandemic emergency measures, restored levels of economic activity, and the repeated recommendations and predictions from numerous European institutions that the rules were to be reinstated at the end of 2022 by the very latest. With the emergence of a legislative proposal from the European Commission to reform the SGP’s rules, questions have emerged from journalistic endeavours and academic literature as to the purpose of the extended suspension. This paper utilises explaining-outcome process-tracing as described by Beach and Pedersen (2013) to compare the expectations and assumptions of varying theories, particularly the “failing forward” theory of Jones et al., (2016) to investigate and explain the European Commission’s decision-making in the case of the SGP’s continual suspension. It concludes that the continual suspension can be minimally explained by ongoing reform efforts by the European Commission, in line with the theoretical expectations of Jones et al. and the findings of Schön-Quinlan and Sciponi (2017). It cannot rule out that the escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian War, and the economic knock-on effects, played a part in the decision for continual suspension. The findings of this paper have implications for understanding the European Commission as a fiscal actor in an economic crisis, and understanding the relevance of particular theories of European integration to the historical context of the COVID-19 pandemic.Show less
In an increasingly globalized world, international organizations remain important to coordinate the need for global cooperation and collective action. In order to give adequate responses to a...Show moreIn an increasingly globalized world, international organizations remain important to coordinate the need for global cooperation and collective action. In order to give adequate responses to a plethora of wicked problems, international organizations need to be given more sovereignty and decision-making powers. This clashes directly with the need of national governments to retain their sovereignty. These clashes can lead to a decrease in legitimacy for the IO and give rise to nationalism, and in the most extreme cases to democratic backsliding. Democracy promoting IOs unintentionally help democratic backsliding in member states when they do not design proper democracy promoting tools and mechanisms. I mix process tracing and discourse analysis to look at the influence of democracy promoting mechanisms of IOs on member states who experience democratic backsliding. I demonstrate my case by looking at the application and results of the conditionality mechanism of the EU on Poland and Hungary. The conditionality mechanism focuses mainly on 1) constitution, 2) rule of law, 3) civil and minority rights, 4) the independence of the judiciary and the media, and 5) the separation of power within government. Of these, I focus on the effects of the conditionality mechanism on 4) the independence of the judiciary and the media. I find that the conditionality mechanism mainly influenced changes in the independence of the judiciary. This influence was also seen back in the resilience and recovery proposals from Hungary and Poland, where both countries pledged to pass legislation to increase the independence of the judiciary. Based on this I argue that the amount of democracy promoting mechanisms does not matter, as long as the impact of the mechanism is strong enough for democracy promotionShow less
Throughout its existence, the European Union has been challenged and criticized by populist parties from both the left-wing and right-wing of the political spectrum. As the growing support for...Show moreThroughout its existence, the European Union has been challenged and criticized by populist parties from both the left-wing and right-wing of the political spectrum. As the growing support for populist parties within Europe could have negative consequences for the future of the EU, this thesis is concerned with the Eurosceptic behaviour of populist parties in one member state of the EU, namely the Netherlands. This thesis conducts an analysis of the discourse and voting behaviour of a Dutch left-wing populist party, the Socialist Party, and right-wing populist party, the Party for Freedom, regarding the European Union in order to find out to what extent populist parties with different ideological persuasions share a Eurosceptic stance due to their shared populism. As a result, the research question of this thesis is: In what ways do populist left-wing and populist right-wing parties’ discourse and voting behaviour on the issue of the EU differ in the Netherlands? Based on the analysis of the chosen sources, which include party manifestos, parliamentary debates and votes in the Dutch House of Representatives, the final results of this analysis reveal that the left-wing SP and right-wing PVV do have some similar stances on the EU due to their populist background, but predominantly have different motivations for their Eurosceptic stance due to their ideological persuasions. Therefore, this thesis concludes that we cannot speak of a unified populist Eurosceptic narrative.Show less
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has caused the European security order to collapse. In response, the European Union (EU) has begun re-evaluating its security and defence policies. Consequently, it...Show moreThe Russian invasion of Ukraine has caused the European security order to collapse. In response, the European Union (EU) has begun re-evaluating its security and defence policies. Consequently, it is worth examining whether the Russian invasion constitutes a critical juncture for the EU’s security and defence policies. The EU’s main policy in this area is the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), while only formalised in 2009 with the Lisbon Treaty, European security and defence policy has a long evolutionary history. However, much of that history shows neglect and little action to achieve further integration. This study conducts a content analysis of the rhetoric used by the High Representative/Vice President (HR/VP) to determine whether the EU called for institutional stability, constrained change, or abrupt change following the Russian invasion. Additionally, the policy decisions of the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC) are evaluated to determine whether changes to European security and defence policy can be categorised as layering, displacement, drift, or conversion. These findings are contrasted with a similar evaluation of the EU’s response to the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea to determine whether the contrast allows for the determination that the Russian invasion constitutes a critical juncture. In line with the hypothesis, there is a stark contrast in the EU’s response between the two cases under evaluation, the rhetoric of the HR/VP shows significant calls for abrupt change and the FAC has agreed upon numerous changes to the CSDP. The findings indicate that the Russian invasion represents a critical juncture for the EU’s security and defence policies.Show less
Gradually, the authority and capability of IOs to undertake tasks that enhance the enjoyment of human rights have proliferated, but these growing capacities also expand the potential for rights to...Show moreGradually, the authority and capability of IOs to undertake tasks that enhance the enjoyment of human rights have proliferated, but these growing capacities also expand the potential for rights to be violated. This has led to increasing efforts to hold IOs accountable for the consequences of their behavior. The costs for IOs of being accused of human rights violations in terms of punishment and lost legitimacy creates the incentive for them to avoid accountability. Yet how IOs avoid accountability for human rights violations has not been substantially studied. This thesis fills this gap by applying a theory of blame management to the context of Frontex, which in recent years has faced scrutiny for violating the non-refoulement rights of migrants at sea. In doing so this thesis challenges the popular understanding of IOs as institutions committed to the high road in global governance, particularly on matters of human rights. Through a single case study of Frontex this thesis scrutinizes and ultimately finds support for the argument that when put in the spotlight for alleged human rights violations, accountability and blame are avoided through denial, delay, diversion, and delegation rather than accepted.Show less
The European Central Bank (ECB) is an important institute of the European Union that has been perceived as becoming more political. To analyze this, this paper looks at the concept of...Show moreThe European Central Bank (ECB) is an important institute of the European Union that has been perceived as becoming more political. To analyze this, this paper looks at the concept of politicization and how it can be related to the European Central Bank in the period from 2003 to 2019. In this research there will be a focus on institutional politicization, meaning that it will look at institutional aspects of the ECB itself to see if they are politicized. To measure the relevance of politicization within this case study, four dimensions will be looked into: (1) the voting behavior, on recommendations for candidates for the ECB executive board, of the European parliament; (2) the questionnaires that the three candidates for ECB president received from the European parliament; (3) the communication strategy of the ECB; and (4) the centralization within the ECB. The findings suggest that the dimensions demonstrate potentially politicized aspects.Show less
