This thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States to normalize their relationships with Israel while building on IR literature. It explores the ties between the states from an economic and security perspective.Show less
The role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral...Show moreThe role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral normalization agreements. This research problem will be investigated in the context of the Abraham Accords, a recently signed normalization agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. Three empirical chapters analyze economic incentives that were present in 2020 in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility. Central research findings include firstly, the UAE’s economic diversification leads to a demand of modern technologies which fits into Israel’s characteristic as a tech-driven export economy. Secondly, the UAE’s reinvestment of petrodollars through foreign direct investments connects well to Israel’s start-up sector that relies on investments. Thirdly, (religious) tourism is not only of economic importance for both States, but people mobility is necessary to facilitate economic cooperation in the spheres of trade & economic relations and finance & investment. Based on these findings the main argument is that political-economic incentives in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility were the main driver for Israel and the UAE to sign the Abraham Accords. International Relations theory in the form of Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism, and Marxism is applied as the study’s theoretical framework to better understand the State behavior and decisions taken by Israel and the UAE. The study concludes that these research findings are significant to understand incentives for potential future normalization agreements, particularly between Israel and other Arab States.Show less
President Trump successfully secured the Republican vote in the US Presidential election of 2016. Donald Trump is notoriously not religious but he is seen as a vehicle to elevate the religious...Show morePresident Trump successfully secured the Republican vote in the US Presidential election of 2016. Donald Trump is notoriously not religious but he is seen as a vehicle to elevate the religious agenda in the political arena. In 2016, Donald Trump run a campaign that engaged with the evangelicals’ desire to restore social and cultural ‘morality’ in the public space and their desire to unwaveringly support Israel. Most of the scholarly debate on Trump’s stance on Israel is angled from a policy perspective, attributing his position to factors such as geopolitics, the influence of Biblical prophecy in American diplomacy, and the increased role of White Christian Nationalism in the political agenda. The research of this thesis will expand on the literature by exploring how Trump’s rhetoric and politics on Israel are used to appeal to his pro-Israel conservative base. The analysis of Trump’s rhetoric and political action using the tool of critical discourse analysis will provide insights between language, ideology, and power. President Trump’s language and political efforts concerning Israel appeal to the Christian evangelical base that makes up most of the Republican Party. Furthermore, Trump has enhanced the role of Christianity in politics, to promote the idea that progressive policies are incompatible with the American identity, and has established America’s relationship with Israel as an inherent value.Show less
A discovery of natural resources in your back garden. A blessing or a curse for the relationship with your neighbours? It is precisely this question that this paper is concerned with. Discoveries...Show moreA discovery of natural resources in your back garden. A blessing or a curse for the relationship with your neighbours? It is precisely this question that this paper is concerned with. Discoveries of enormous natural gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean are having a paradigm shifting effect on the international relations of the region. Hence, the research question that drives this thesis is the following. What will the impact of the natural gas be on the international relations of the states of the Eastern Mediterranean? This paper will show that natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean has led to greater cooperation and regionalisation and will continue to do so in the future. However, this paper will also show the limitations of the beneficial effects of cooperation over natural resources. The relevancy of this topic stems from it alluding to an important question, whether natural resources are a blessing or a curse. For many countries the discovery of natural resources has led to great wealth and development. However, for many others it has been a burden leading to less development and growth or even weakening democracy. Resources and the competition over them can also lead to conflict and it is this realm of the international political consequences of the resources that this paper is focused on.Show less
Understandings of Israeli geopolitical identity have traditionally revolved around core themes which have only rarely been deeply questioned. This has left other identitarian dimensions, some which...Show moreUnderstandings of Israeli geopolitical identity have traditionally revolved around core themes which have only rarely been deeply questioned. This has left other identitarian dimensions, some which have recently emerged, undeservedly unexplored. Literature on the topic largely focuses on Israel’s historic Jewish and Western identity dimensions in within the frames pertaining to Israeli domestic affairs, such as the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi divide, or the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This thesis questions these traditional understandings and attempts to reveal other alternatives, by examining the multidimensionality of Israel’s geopolitical identity in the frame of the emerging US-China polarity. The issue of Israel’s geopolitical identity essentially concerns the question of the way Israel perceives itself and its geopolitical positioning in the global system. As constructed geopolitical ‘realities’, these conceptions are oversimplifications of a much more complex reality. By analyzing Israeli elite discourse in the US-China frame, the following dissertation shows how alternative identitarian dimensions have emerged, whilst some traditional dimensions have endured through elite discourse in Israel. The research aims to broaden the discussion surrounding Israel’s geopolitical identity in the 21st century.Show less
This thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and regional actors in Syria. The research question of this paper is: What explains the hesitancy of the US involvement in the Syrian War? The research is focused on the red-line speech of President Obama to intervene in Syria and the following chemical weapon attack in Damascus. This study provides significant insight into the political relations between the US and Syria as well as the Syrian civil war. Many academic pieces of literature have been examined to combine valuable information about the power dynamics in the Middle East and their impact on the Syrian civil war. As a result, it is concluded that there are multiple causes behind the hesitancy of the US military intervention in Syria. These are listed as, the vetoes of Russia and China in the UN Security Council, the concern of non-ending regional war, the economic, political and humanitarian costs of the war, the emergence of the radical groups and the absence of strong secular opposition, the concern of state of chaos after the intervention, minor factors like difficult geography, population and the advanced air defense of SyriaShow less
The aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the...Show moreThe aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the focus set upon the question what the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank are and how they play a role in the occupation of it. To answer this question, the thesis will explore the policies of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority next to the policies that are promoted in the West Bank by aid agencies and international donors. Israel’s neoliberal economic policies will be explained through its economic interests in the West Bank, such as land, labour, water and market. Furthermore, the study will look into the neoliberal economic policies of the Palestinian Authority and how the Palestinian capitalist class has been created through these policies. Lastly, the study will highlight the role of international donors and aid agencies in the West Bank and the means in which they apply their influence to promote neoliberal economic policies that sustain the occupation of the West Bank. The study will show that the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank contribute to its occupation and its dependency on the Israeli economy and international aid. However, not only Israel profits from the occupation, but also the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian elite through their cooperation with Israel.Show less
In this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this...Show moreIn this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this will correlate with the influence of the Israel lobby group.Show less
The self-image and international recognition of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state has prompted a wide range of scholarly debate since its establishment in 1948. The long-lasting Israel...Show moreThe self-image and international recognition of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state has prompted a wide range of scholarly debate since its establishment in 1948. The long-lasting Israel-Palestine conflict has led to a series of harmful acts within the state and as such, has resulted in many questioning Israel's claims to democracy. Since Israel is considered an example of a Western democratic state and is often recognized by the West as being the only successful democracy in the Middle East, this thesis aims to analyze this claim. By approaching the matter from a legal perspective, specifically focusing on the conception of citizenship and the allocation of land within Israel, the research demonstrates that laws practiced by the Israeli parliament leads to clear tension between the concepts 'Jewish' and 'democratic’, since the laws put into place to govern the citizens of the state have as a priority to uphold the Jewish character of the state and to protect the Jewish majority residing in Israel. As such, this research concludes that Israel should not be considered compatible to a traditional Western democracy, since the state's two identities, Jewish and democratic contradict each other in practice.Show less
This thesis analyzes the Israeli coverage of the campaign and election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th President of the United States. It does so by thoroughly reviewing the coverage of three...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the Israeli coverage of the campaign and election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th President of the United States. It does so by thoroughly reviewing the coverage of three Israeli newspapers. It provides a twofold background as a cadre to put this coverage in. First, a review on the academic literature published about the US-Israeli special relationship. Second, an analysis of the issues that have shaped and are shaping Israeli society. In this way, it is making an effort to understand US-Israeli dynamics as they are today.Show less
This paper discusses the relationship between Israel’s high-tech industry and the high levels of income inequality in the country. The high-tech cluster in Israel is very successful, but this...Show moreThis paper discusses the relationship between Israel’s high-tech industry and the high levels of income inequality in the country. The high-tech cluster in Israel is very successful, but this success does not benefit the Israeli workforce equally. The main argument of this paper is that the high wages of the Israeli high-tech industry benefit only a small, overwhelmingly Jewish and highly educated elite, and thereby contribute to the high income inequality. The findings of this paper support the main argument. The majority of the workers in the high-tech sector are highly educated and Jewish. Their wages are significantly above the average wages in other sectors and qualify them to belong to the quintile with the highest income share. In addition, the data confirms that only the wages of the upper quintile are increasing, while the wages of all other quintiles are declining. This development is reinforced by the lack of unionisation in the high-tech sector and the declining importance of trade unions in other sectors. The findings further suggest that entrepreneurship in the high-tech sector requires substantial levels of knowledge and finance. Overall, it can be concluded that the high-tech industry in Israel contributes to a polarisation of income in the country.Show less
Besides strong physical presence in Israeli society, the Israel Defense Forces' (IDF) symbolic presence in society is even more pervasive through constant transmission of its prominent values,...Show moreBesides strong physical presence in Israeli society, the Israel Defense Forces' (IDF) symbolic presence in society is even more pervasive through constant transmission of its prominent values, embodied by the concept of strategic culture. This paper analyses the process of cultural transmission, performed by the IDF, within the framework of militarized socialization. Arguably, the process of militarized socialization underwent a shift from the use of military education as the main vehicle for socialization, to the use of religion as a vehicle for socialization and as an identity marker of the Israeli military as a whole. The gradual return of religion to the ranks may have important implications for the development of Israeli society, as well as for the course of the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict in terms of decreased chances of rapprochement between the two parties.Show less
Israel's existence in a near constant state of conflict has had many side effects for the lives of people living there. One such cost felt by the majority is that of national service to which the...Show moreIsrael's existence in a near constant state of conflict has had many side effects for the lives of people living there. One such cost felt by the majority is that of national service to which the majority of Israel are subject to. National service sees Israel's Jewish youth and other minorities living there forced to take part in military activity. This comes with the notable exception of the Haredim otherwise known as the Ultra-Orthodox. The draft exemption enjoyed by the Haredim has a valid historical context however such legitimacy is no longer applicable to contemporary Israel. Addressing why the Haredim living in israel are not subject to the draft will explore the institutions that have facilitated and protected the draft exemption. And identify those areas that bring benefits to the modern state and this qualify the continuation of the draft exemption to arrive aShow less
