This thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics...Show moreThis thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics have been subjected to a Critical Discourse Analysis, engaging with the insights of ancient and contemporary rhetoric scholars. The results show that Putin consistently weaves three narratives that run like a thread through his speeches. First, Putin presents himself as a kind, intelligent, and respectful leader who has an adequate amount of experience and supports the people. Second, Putin persistently shows that Russia only has good intentions for the world. Last, Russia finally stands up for its interests after years of suppression and humiliation by the hypocrite West. These results not just illustrate the rhetorical techniques that underlay Putin’s account of Russia’s foreign policy. They also provide an insight into the worldview of the vast majority of Russians because of a media monopoly of the Kremlin. As such, this thesis contributes to a growing corpus of research that emphasizes how Putin’s words are of importance.Show less
Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries...Show moreRussia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries from threats through military cooperation,conflict mediation and anti-interventionism to gain influence.Show less
A comparative historical research upon the situation and its development of the identities of the Alevite and Alawite minorities within Turkey and Syria.
This paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation...Show moreThis paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation makes use of an adapted version of Bovens’ Framework for Accountability, incorporating five different forms of accountability – political, legal, professional, social, and economic. Through the application of this framework onto two case studies of Wagner Group in Syria and Blackwater USA in Iraq, it is evident that the use of limited accountability through only one or two forms of accountability is insufficient. It was found that in order for PMSCs to be rendered accountable to an unbiased independent body as suggested by this author, all forms of accountability should be used simultaneously. This paper further examines reiterating the importance of the oft-neglected social accountability, and how the role of morality at the human and public opinion level can shape the way in which regulatory measures apply. Through these findings, this thesis recommends the implementation of a series of new legislative measures, which utilise a multi-pronged approach incorporating not only legal methods, but social, political, professional, and economic measuresShow less
Through a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was...Show moreThrough a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was carried out on almost 5000 articles from the three outlets. It thus explores the possibility of technical tools to analyse the coverage and discourse of the media.Show less
This thesis analyses the influence that news media can have in conflicts, especially through the production and circulation of conspiracy theories. It demonstrates how conspiracy theories...Show moreThis thesis analyses the influence that news media can have in conflicts, especially through the production and circulation of conspiracy theories. It demonstrates how conspiracy theories surrounding chemical attacks in Syria affected the media discourse of RT, the BBC and the New York Times and researches to what extent this was aimed at influencing public opinion and international policy making in favour of their respective government’s policies in the Syrian conflict. Firstly, previous case studies are reflected upon, most importantly Chomsky & Herman’s ‘Propaganda Model’. Secondly, the proxy war in Syria and its most important participants ’foreign policies are outlined. Next, this knowledge is applied in the paper’s analysis of the reporting of RT, the BBC and the New York Times in the Syrian conflict. It looks specifically at their reporting on conspiracy theories surrounding the 2013 & 2018 Ghouta and Douma chemical weapons attacks, and how it relates to their respective government’s policy in the conflict. These observations lead to the conclusions that conspiracy theories have significantly influenced the discourses of all the analysed news media in their reporting on these events, and that their reporting generally reflects their government’s foreign policy towards the conflict. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a pattern of strategies used by each of the news media outlets, which are potentially deployed in an attempt to direct their audiences towards embracing their respective government’s stances and policies towards the Syrian conflict. These conclusions reveal that there is likely an information war running parallel to the proxy conflict.Show less
The political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad,...Show moreThe political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad, to power. Assad’s authoritarian rule paved the way for Ba’ath party members and his immediate family members to accumulate wealth and power. This patrimonial approach has contributed to reshaping the class system and creating different types of the bourgeoisie. When Bashar Assad succeeded his father in the year 2000, the political-economic strategy in Syria changed a little by depriving the Ba’ath party members of their privileges and giving them to other prominent government officials and members of the country’s upper and upper-middle classes through neopatrimonial approaches. The new ‘state bourgeoisie’ in Syria did not only include Alawites who are directly related to Assad, but the new order also included Sunnis and Christians who were given a chance to get wealthy by proving their loyalty to Assad and cooperating with the regime. Since the beginning of the Syrian conflict in 2011, Syrian businesspeople have either continued supporting the regime or decided to remain silent and leave the country. Although the popular narrative of the Syrian conflict is largely sectarian in nature, sectarianism is not the only significant factor. Class has played a big role in the public’s dismay and contributed to the outbreak of the uprising. The business elite’s reaction to the conflict has contributed to the longevity of the conflict one hand and that of the Assad regime on the other. The loyal elites have benefited largely from this ongoing conflict whereas others who remained neutral risked the confiscation of their properties, and that of their family, and various terrorist charges. This thesis tackles the Syrian conflict from a different angle and highlights the role of the Syrian businesspeople.Show less
The Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian...Show moreThe Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian conflict, which started with peaceful protests in 2011. Such a narrative is based on a static and primordial view of Syria. As a response to that narrative this thesis uses social class theory to examine the years in Syria’s political economy in the years preceding the 2011 uprising. The five years before the uprising are important from an economic, social and political perspective as Syria initiated a transition to a social market economy. The two research question are as follows: How did Syria’s economic liberalisation from 2006 to 2010 change socioeconomic conditions vis-à-vis Syria’s civil uprising in 2011? And what role does social class play in Syria's socioeconomic grievances? The research questions are answered through case studies of the agricultural sector, investments in Syria, and the economic transition’s connection to the 2011 uprising. The case studies’ results are that socioeconomic conditions of lower and middle classes stagnated or worsened in the years before the uprising, displayed in unemployment and a widening wealth gap. Investments patterns in Syria in the economic liberalisation show how profits went those in the upper and ruling classes with ties to the regime. By that, it is concluded that class played a large role in Syria’s socioeconomic grievances that played a partial role in creating circumstances for the 2011 uprising. The explanation is, nonetheless, not sufficient on its own to explain the 2011 uprising. Future research on Syria’s political economy should continue to focus on classes and other social communities in order to provide better explanations for societal changes.Show less
For several decades, Palestinian refugees have been subject to multiple instances of discrimination, particularly when seeking asylum in neighboring countries such as Lebanon who have long...Show moreFor several decades, Palestinian refugees have been subject to multiple instances of discrimination, particularly when seeking asylum in neighboring countries such as Lebanon who have long advocated against becoming a host nation. Notwithstanding, Lebanese authorities have been rather inconsistent with its decision as proven by the 'Syrian exception' – wherein Syrian refugees have benefitted from Lebanon and Palestine's tumultuous past, and were therefore able to contribute to the overall Lebanese social structure, specifically in terms of boosting the economy.Show less
The Syrian civil war has evolved from local to a conflict with global repercussions. Russia’s decision to intervene militarily has arguably been of great influence on the Syrian conflict. The main...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has evolved from local to a conflict with global repercussions. Russia’s decision to intervene militarily has arguably been of great influence on the Syrian conflict. The main focus of this thesis is to assess the effectiveness of Russia’s foreign policy regarding Syria, specifically the ongoing Syrian conflict. This is measured by analysing the translation of foreign policy goals into implementation and by determining whether the goals have been met. The groundwork in terms of literature consists of scholarly work on the making and implementation of foreign policy both in general and in relation to Russia. The main chapters are devoted to the goals, implementation and achievements of Russia’s foreign policy with respect to Syria. First, light is shed on the goals of Russia’s foreign policy regarding Syria and their mode of implementation. Then it is determined if and to what extent the foreign policy goals have been met. This then allows for analysis of the factors that have either fostered or constrained the implementation of Russia’s foreign policy goals. Finally, a cautious effort is made to discern future prospects regarding Russia’s foreign policy in Syria.Show less
The struggle between sovereignty and humanitarian intervention remains one of the fundamental controversies in international politics. The 1648 Treaty of Westphalia helped to bring peace to much of...Show moreThe struggle between sovereignty and humanitarian intervention remains one of the fundamental controversies in international politics. The 1648 Treaty of Westphalia helped to bring peace to much of the world through the creation and realisation of national sovereignty, however a growing global consciousness began to resist against this. The ratification of the responsibility to protect (R2P) doctrine in 2005 by the UN General Assembly set the humanitarian interventionist pendulum in motion. Providing a mechanism to facilitate foreign intervention in a sovereign state in order to protect human welfare, the R2P doctrine indicated a shark contrast with the past. Although proving successful in many cases, this doctrine has been pushed to its limits in Libya and Syria. Through content and discourse analysis this paper assesses the impact of the Libyan and Syrian crisis on the R2P doctrine, and as a result questions the feasibility and viability of the doctrine. R2P references in key UN documents show that R2P fails to positively influence decision making in the highest echelons of international diplomacy, while the comments of state representatives show that NATO’s un-mandated regime change in Libya has infected the doctrine. This infection has been so great that in its current form, R2P no-longer has a place in facilitating humanitarian intervention.Show less
Many factors influenced the eradication of the peace process between Turkey and the PKK in early 2015. Some scholars argue that the elections in 2015 and Recep Tayyip Erdogan's personal political...Show moreMany factors influenced the eradication of the peace process between Turkey and the PKK in early 2015. Some scholars argue that the elections in 2015 and Recep Tayyip Erdogan's personal political ambitions towards a presidential system were the major factors behind the revival of the violence between Kurdish armed groups and Turkish security forces. Another given argument is the suspended bid of Turkey for accession to the European Union, and the incapability of the EU to enforce reforms within Turkey. Others state that the civil war in Syria, and the policies of Turkey concerning the Kurds in the region was crucial and caused a spill over of the conflict. The central question of this thesis is: what factors have led the Turkish government to change its policies towards the Kurdish groups after 2011 and subsequently led to the end of the Turkey-PKK peace process?Show less
An analysation of the differences between the Hafez al-Assad regime and that of his son Bashar al-Assad in Syria. Why did the Uprisings lead to Civil War under Bashar but not under Hafez?
The uprisings across the Middle East starting in 2010, commonly referred to as the "Arab Spring," have drawn widespread international attention to themselves. Two of the most violent instances, the...Show moreThe uprisings across the Middle East starting in 2010, commonly referred to as the "Arab Spring," have drawn widespread international attention to themselves. Two of the most violent instances, the uprisings in Libya and Syria, have seen a very different approach from the international community while having similarities in terms of violence and violations of international laws. The thesis examines how international relations theories, namely neorealism, constructivism, and liberal institutionalism attempt to expla the change in tone with regards to the application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Each case study is examined in detail and both are related to international law which displays that R2P should have been invoked in both cases. A conclusion is drawn in favor of constructivism as the theory providing the best explanation for the change in R2P application.Show less
