Post-foundational political thought, based on the recognition of necessary contingency of all political arrangements has been widely employed as both an analytical tool as well as a vehicle for...Show morePost-foundational political thought, based on the recognition of necessary contingency of all political arrangements has been widely employed as both an analytical tool as well as a vehicle for critique in light of several diagnoses of the abysmal future of contemporary democracies. Nonetheless, there is reason to belief that the efficacy of post-foundationalism is compromised through a deficit in the articulation of normative critique, and in the actualisation and operationalisation of critique revealing the contingency of the political, i.e., ethico-political critique. This thesis sets out to fulfil two endeavours: first, identify the possibility of articulating ethico-political critique within a paradigm of post-foundationalism through relational practices in social ontology, and second, apply this paradigm as an analytical tool onto one of the most prominent diagnoses of contemporary democracy’s decline, Wendy Brown’s account of neoliberal de-democratisation. Through this, this thesis argues that the site of ethico-political critique in post-foundationalism may be found in relational resistance practices within the ontic dimension of the social which reveal the contingency of both ontic and ontological arrangements in both the social and the political. Thus, such practices could serve as a first step in articulating a scheme of critique against neoliberal de-democratisation which, according to Brown, currently fails due to the absence of alternative world-views.Show less
This work critically assesses the idea of replacing political representation based on elections and politicians by big data-driven algorithms. The rapid digitalization and datafication of our world...Show moreThis work critically assesses the idea of replacing political representation based on elections and politicians by big data-driven algorithms. The rapid digitalization and datafication of our world is fuelling the debate on democratic theory. Can the potential of new ICTs be harnessed to work for the benefit of democracy? Using Gijs van Oenen’s account as base, I make the idea of algorithmic representation more concrete by introducing the concept of a Pocket Politician, and by exploring three scenarios of what this could look like. To further unpack this concept I apply two conceptual tools of the ‘constructivist turn’ in democratic theory: Fossen’s logical distinction between dyadic-triadic and Saward’s theory on the representative claim. By doing so, I show that such a new ‘algorithmic’ system of representation would go accompanied with the loss of human intentionality and the loss of visibility. (1) Algorithmic representation blurs the characterization of the citizens that are represented. It is no longer clear as what citizens are represented due to the non-human intentionality of algorithms. And (2) the performance of representation – the representative claims – will not be visible to the citizens, making it a non-transparent form of politics. Combined, these two concessions would restrict citizens’ ability to see and experience politics on both a sensory and mental level. I come back to the three scenarios of a Pocket Politician to discuss whether this is a problem. I argue that applying algorithmic representation could be beneficial for a democracy depending on its particular state and particular needs.Show less
As current democratic governments are unsuccessful in fulfilling our moral obligations to future generations, future-focused institutions aim to adapt our democracy to neutralise this short-termism...Show moreAs current democratic governments are unsuccessful in fulfilling our moral obligations to future generations, future-focused institutions aim to adapt our democracy to neutralise this short-termism. However, it often appears to be impossible for future-focused institutions to be both effective and democratically legitimate. This thesis aims to resolve this dilemma by arguing for strong external representatives, representatives of future generations outside of legislative assemblies that have a strong mandate to veto laws that have a strong negative impact on future generations. To claim that this is not only effective but also democratically legitimate, this thesis analyses the most influential theories on the boundaries of the demos, the All Affected Interests Principle and Democratic Values Theory, and demonstrates that they require the inclusion of future generations by means of a strong-mandated representative. Finally, this thesis also provides several desiderata on how strong external representatives should be instituted and discusses its political feasibility.Show less
This thesis asks whether power inequities in the real-world entail that deliberative democracy cannot serve as a non-ideal theory, and instead is purely of limited value as an ideal theory with...Show moreThis thesis asks whether power inequities in the real-world entail that deliberative democracy cannot serve as a non-ideal theory, and instead is purely of limited value as an ideal theory with which to critique current practices. I argue that fundamentally there is no position free from power inequities from which we can develop a deliberative theoretical framework - nor through which we can apply such a framework in real-world conditions. Practically, this means that deliberative democracy could only ever be an imperfect model for challenging these same power inequities, and moreover that it will perpetually run the risk of reaffirming power inequities. However, principles internal to deliberative democracy – the principles of fallibility and fidelity – provide exactly the tools required for embracing this fundamental challenge which deliberative democracy faces. Through confrontation with the challenge of power, I shall therefore draw out a key strength of this theoretical approach.Show less
