Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Europe (and beyond) has adopted its foreign policy which meant for many countries providing military support to Ukraine and/ or agreeing to...Show moreFollowing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Europe (and beyond) has adopted its foreign policy which meant for many countries providing military support to Ukraine and/ or agreeing to harsh economic sanctions against Russia. However, the German case is special: Due to historical reasons and – at the latest since 1990 – the expansion of political and economic networks, Germany has been heavily involved in EU-Russia relations and became Russia’s most important partner in Brussels. Against this background, this thesis attempts to answer the following question: Why did a major foreign policy change in Germany only happen in 2022 after the Russian invasion of Ukraine – and not already in 2014 after the Russian annexation of Crimea? This is done by performing a comparative case study and applying process tracing for the years 2014 and 2022 – enrichened by extensive interview research in Berlin with senior MFA officials, MPs specialised in foreign policy as well as with journalists. This thesis finds that in both years an exogenous political shock triggered the change process – but with a different scope. That is best explained by the reprioritisation and (partly) neglection of core pillars of German foreign policy – Ostpolitik, Wandel durch Handel, Westbindung, non-military foreign policy and historical responsibility – that occurred from 2014 to 2022.Show less
This thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the...Show moreThis thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the importance of multilateralism, military restraint, and upholding the status quo. Using these elements, the thesis will evaluate how the idea of ESA aligns with Germany’s strategic culture. This paper uses an interdisciplinary lens to draw upon the disciplines of history, sociology, psychology, political science, and international relations. Along with interviews and a content analysis of primary and secondary sources, the analysis shows that Germany’s strategic culture does influence its interpretation of ESA, which effects its ambition on the topic. This is a relevant topic as in September 2021, Germany will elect a new Chancellor, offering the opportunity to transition its security and defense policies.Show less
This research project focuses on the impact of big business in shaping foreign policy. Specifically, it examines the role of oligarchs in Ukraine in the events between 2010 and 2014. The two cases...Show moreThis research project focuses on the impact of big business in shaping foreign policy. Specifically, it examines the role of oligarchs in Ukraine in the events between 2010 and 2014. The two cases that are dealt with are the negotiations around the Association Agreement (AA) with the European Union and the 2014 conflicts in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine. The project uses a domestic structures approach as exists in Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), that emphasises the properties of political systems in determining the outcome of foreign policy. I argue that the political system as it has developed in Ukraine in recent years has given oligarchs the opportunities to influence Ukrainian foreign policy. In turn, they have used these opportunities to try to impact events around the Association Agreement negotiations and the 2014 conflicts and I conclude that they have been reasonably successful in doing so.Show less
In 2013 Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin announced their readiness to renew the dialogue on the Kuril Islands – the disputed territory that kept the Japan...Show moreIn 2013 Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin announced their readiness to renew the dialogue on the Kuril Islands – the disputed territory that kept the Japan-Russia bilateral relationship frozen for almost 70 years. Due to the territorial dispute, the Japan-Russia economic and diplomatic cooperation remained relatively underdeveloped, which provided a great opportunity for both to benefit from the improved bilateral cooperation. However, the breakthrough has never happened, since the Japan-Russia relationship deteriorated after Japan joined US sanctions against Russia due to Russian involvement in the Ukrainian Crisis. Conventional explanations cite that the United States pressured Japan into imposing sanctions against its national interest. In this paper I provide an analysis of Japanese sanctions against Russia to answer the question of whether US pressure on Japan resulted in reactive Japan’s foreign policy sanctions against Russia. Therefore this paper will put forward a case to answer the question of whether Japan’s foreign policy was influenced by it being a reactive state. For the purpose of this research, I analysed the three rounds of sanctions from March 2014 to July 2016 by using a process tracing method combined with attributed influence and preference attainment to identify and measure US pressure on Japan. Drawing the concept of a reactive state model I will demonstrate how the United States pressured Japan against Japanese national interest. By focusing on the extent of Japanese sanctions, I put forward the case that Japan was able to implement low-key yet independent policy in case of sanctions.Show less
