This master thesis investigates the internal politicization of the European Committee of the Regions (CoR) and its influence on representing local and regional interests within the EU. Through...Show moreThis master thesis investigates the internal politicization of the European Committee of the Regions (CoR) and its influence on representing local and regional interests within the EU. Through interviews and a comparative case study, this study challenges assumptions about politicization leading to a prioritization of political party interests over local concerns. Contrary to expectations, findings reveal that internal politicization grants CoR members the freedom to represent both local government interests and those of their political party. The cooperative institutional setting emphasizes substantive representation over symbolic representation, showcasing the CoR's unique role in the European Union. The study addresses a literature gap and contributes valuable insights into the nuanced dynamics of internal politicization within the CoR.Show less
In this thesis, we aim to investigate the impact of an EU crisis on EU news coverage. National mass media has an important democratic role in EU news coverage since it is the primary source of...Show moreIn this thesis, we aim to investigate the impact of an EU crisis on EU news coverage. National mass media has an important democratic role in EU news coverage since it is the primary source of information about the EU for the public, and therefore, can shape the understanding of the public towards the EU. However, mass media does not just transmit information passively, and can frame EU integration in news coverage. We want to analyse what the impact of the Brexit referendum is on the use of a dominant pro-EU, Euroambivalent, or anti-EU integration frame in Dutch mass media. Consequently, we compare EU news coverage in de Volkskrant, NRC Handelsblad, Trouw, and De Telegraaf during the Brexit referendum in 2016, with EU news coverage in 2014. We use a qualitative deductive lens and analyse 372 news articles. In general, we find that an Euroambivalent integration frame is dominant, but both the number of pro-EU and anti-EU news articles increases. Therefore, Dutch mass media fosters a critical public debate on the EU during the Brexit referendum. On top of that, broadsheet newspapers tend to be more supportive of the EU, and tabloid newspaper De Telegraaf tends to be more critical of the EU when an EU crisis is present.Show less
Within the Council of the European Union, Qualified Majority Voting is being implemented in a growing number of policy areas. This thesis tries to answer the question “What is the effect of...Show moreWithin the Council of the European Union, Qualified Majority Voting is being implemented in a growing number of policy areas. This thesis tries to answer the question “What is the effect of substituting unanimity with qualified majority voting on behaviour of member states’ representatives in meetings of the Council of the European Union?”. To answer this question, one case is selected, the council configuration of Agriculture and Fisheries. Through conducting interviews with member states’ representatives active in this policy area, a general overview of the negotiations there is constructed. It is found that shifting the decision rule results in more rational behaviour during the negotiations. Actors showcase more bargaining behaviour when the decision rule is Qualified Majority Voting, and more arguing when it is unanimous decision making. It was not possible to accurately pinpoint what type of negotiating was more common at a certain moment in the negotiations due to the inability to access certain dataShow less
This research sheds light on the effect of political parties’ positions regarding European integration on the collective action frames they use in the Eurobonds debate, focusing on The Netherlands....Show moreThis research sheds light on the effect of political parties’ positions regarding European integration on the collective action frames they use in the Eurobonds debate, focusing on The Netherlands. Parliamentary debates about Eurobonds during both the Eurozone crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic are studied. As a result, this study reveals how collective action framing was used to steer towards acceptance of the shared debt, which is a characteristic of Eurobonds, of the Next Generation Europe (NGEU) recovery program, while The Netherlands had initially positioned itself as a firm opponent. Six collective action frames are identified. These frames demonstrate how political parties use discourse to legitimize or delegitimize policy ideas and choices made on the EU level based on their position on European integration.Show less
This thesis analyses the role of directness of EU policy influence on the frame building by Eurosceptical parties in the context of politicisation of European integration. The thesis consists of a...Show moreThis thesis analyses the role of directness of EU policy influence on the frame building by Eurosceptical parties in the context of politicisation of European integration. The thesis consists of a structured focused comparison of two cases in which domestic policy contestation took place regarding two European(ised) issues that differed in regards to the directness of EU policy influence present. These cases concern the EU’s ban on pulse fishing and the Dutch nitrogen crisis. In analysing the frame building present in each case an inductive qualitative content analysis is conducted on parliamentary contributions by the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV) and Forum for Democracy (FvD) and their party manifestos are reviewed. The findings show that although both topics as such have become politicised in the domestic arena the frame building differs per case. When EU policy influence can be considered more direct, frames more directly involve the European dimension and tap more into external EU delegitimising discourses. However, when EU policy influence can be considered more indirect the domestic dimension is addressed more prominently and focus lies more on chastising the government and disputing the issue on party ideological grounds. These findings hint at the potential causal relevance of such a concept of ‘directness of EU policy influence’ that consolidates insights from the literature on Europeanisation and Multi-Level Blame Games. The thesis forwards a conceptualisation of this directness involving (1) the underlying authority structure of the European(ised) policy, (2) the degree of policy misfit it involves, (3) the soft or hard nature of the policy and (4) the visibility of the European dimension in the policy. The insights of the thesis might be of interests to scholars of politicisation of European integration, particularly post-functionalist scholars, as they help illuminate how the politicisation of a European(ised) policy does not necessarily bring about equivalent politicisation of European integration as a whole.Show less
How the radical right’s favourite themes have dominated some of the main news coverage without necessarily being challenged is worrying. This thesis is focused on the normalization of radical right...Show moreHow the radical right’s favourite themes have dominated some of the main news coverage without necessarily being challenged is worrying. This thesis is focused on the normalization of radical right discourses in the public debate. Based on the content analysis of three major French newspapers articles and of the programmes of the main candidates to the Presidential elections, this work aims to show the extent to which there has been a normalization of radical right discourses in France between 2002 and 2022. I found that while this normalization is mostly present within the right-wing of the political spectrum, liberal and left-wing newspapers also participate in this process. Mainstream politicians too, play a significant role in the normalization of these discourses, and their previous failures in government have opened the door to the radical right.Show less
After a highly politicised debate wherein interest groups have been very active and decisive, the European Parliament voted in favour of a ban on pulse fishing on the 16th of January 2018. In the...Show moreAfter a highly politicised debate wherein interest groups have been very active and decisive, the European Parliament voted in favour of a ban on pulse fishing on the 16th of January 2018. In the discussion before the vote, the two opposing interest groups active in the pulse fishing case tried to influence the Members of the European Parliament by using scientific knowledge. The theoretical framework of this thesis exists of two theoretical perspectives. The academic literature on scientific knowledge utilisation distinguishes three different modes: the instrumental, the substantiating and the legitimising mode. Academic contributions on interest groups in the context of the European Union and more specifically the European Parliament distinguishes between business and citizen interest groups. Because the link between these two academic contributions has not yet been established, there is a literature gap. This study aims to explain the difference in the modes of scientific knowledge utilisation between the two different types of interest groups, as visible in the case of pulse fishing. To test the expectation that citizen interest groups make use of the substantiating mode and business interest groups make use of the legitimising mode, a qualitative document analysis is applied to the single case of pulse fishing. The main finding of this thesis is that the difference in the mode of scientific knowledge use by interest groups with regard to the decision-making process concerning the ban on pulse fishing by the European Parliament can be explained by the type of interest group. The results confirm thus the expectation and are therefore in line with the academic literature used, but also show that scientific knowledge can be used ambiguously. The findings of this thesis can be useful for both researchers and interest groups because it offers an insight into how scientific knowledge is used in policy making via interest groups, underscoring both its academic and societal relevance.Show less
The Brexit-trade negotiations were the first trade negotiations after an EU-member left the organisation, resulting in four years of negotiating and in December 2020 a final deal which determines...Show moreThe Brexit-trade negotiations were the first trade negotiations after an EU-member left the organisation, resulting in four years of negotiating and in December 2020 a final deal which determines the new relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union. Unlike other trade agreements, the Brexit-negotiations are not characterized by its politicisation. This research will investigate how influence on the EU (both formal and informal forms of influence) and transparency explain (the absence of) politicisation regarding these Brexit-negotiations. For politicisation, this thesis focusses on three elements: polarization, expansion, and salience. The focus of the analysis is on four of the member states that have close economic ties with the UK. For these member states, a dataset consisting of data for all variables for the whole period of negotiations is composed. Via multiple OLS regression, the relations are measured, and significant relations were found for several variables regarding the influence on the European Union (GDP/capita, population, nationality of the commissioner) and the level transparency. Council presidency did not lead to significant relations with the elements of politicisation.Show less
For many years, the European Commission has been a champion for the environmental acquis Communautaire of the EU. In December 2019, it reinforced this role with the introduction of the EU’s new...Show moreFor many years, the European Commission has been a champion for the environmental acquis Communautaire of the EU. In December 2019, it reinforced this role with the introduction of the EU’s new growth strategy: the European Green Deal. Its cornerstone is the first European Climate Law that binds the Union and its member states to climate neutrality targets. The negotiations to adopt this policy proposal happened via trilogues between the Commission, the Council and the Parliament. This research aims to open the doors of this secluded venue of decision-making to better understand the Commission’s role in them. It analyses the role of the European Commission in trilogue negotiations by using two theories: agenda-setting and politicisation. Process-tracing and document analysis were used as the main data collection and analysis methods. The analysis shows that the Commission uses a two-step strategy to be able to influence trilogues. During agenda-setting it uses its informal power to strategically use public support and the support of other institutions and its expertise to shape the future outcome of negotiations and draw on its political resources to act as a policy entrepreneur. After the proposal is on the table, the Commission uses (de)politicisation strategies to influence the negotiations and their outcome. This research shows that Commission’s influence on trilogue negotiations is dependent on its ability to use strategically its political and informal power during all stages of decision-making.Show less
In this thesis, I investigated to what extent and how political crises in the Eastern bordering countries of the EU have an influence on the EU’s foreign policy decisions regarding the Eastern...Show moreIn this thesis, I investigated to what extent and how political crises in the Eastern bordering countries of the EU have an influence on the EU’s foreign policy decisions regarding the Eastern Partnership. Following from mainly the International Relations theories of realism and constructivism, I proposed two expectations as a guidance for conducting the analysis. I conducted a document analysis on two cases: Ukraine and Belarus. The results showed that a there is a minor causal relationship between political crises and policy outcomes regarding the EaP. To a minor extent, a relationship was found regarding the expectation that was formed from the theory of realism, but the results showed that the theory of constructivism is more useful in contemporary times. More generally speaking, the EU should consider pursuing a more specific policymaking towards countries separately.Show less
This thesis investigates the effect of the Euro crisis on the positions of the German mainstream parties SPD and CDU/CSU. Even though national parties are crucial political actors, their responses...Show moreThis thesis investigates the effect of the Euro crisis on the positions of the German mainstream parties SPD and CDU/CSU. Even though national parties are crucial political actors, their responses to the crisis have been researched insufficiently. To fill this gap, this thesis employs deductive, qualitative research. It combines data of party manifestos, televised debates and seven interviews with parliamentarians and parliamentarian assistants. In contrast to other studies on party position changes that are mostly quantitative, this thesis employs a qualitative design. The results entail that there was a small change in the positions of the two parties. The reactions of the parties were mostly similar. They did not change their stance towards the EU fundamentally; however, the EU gained salience. Through the crisis, the par-ties felt urged to give more explanations about the EU and their position towards it to citi-zens. This need arose from the increasing public Euroscepticism as well as the party-bound Euroscepticism embodied by the novel party AfD. CDU/CSU and SPD aimed at responding to these developments and at defending their traditionally pro-European stance. The results are relevant to researchers of European integration and party positions. They also generate advice for practitioners. Party politicians are recommended to make a distinct choice in case a novel (challenger) party emerges; to move closer to the party, or to stick to their own posi-tion. There can be valid reasons for both options but failure to make a clear enough decision can lead to regrets.Show less
