This thesis explores the framing of the burqa ban in the Dutch media over the past decade, focusing on the divergence between left-wing (Volkskrant) and right-wing (Telegraaf) newspapers, potential...Show moreThis thesis explores the framing of the burqa ban in the Dutch media over the past decade, focusing on the divergence between left-wing (Volkskrant) and right-wing (Telegraaf) newspapers, potential polarizing frames, and the shifts in media narratives pre and post-implementation of the ban. The analysis is guided by framing theory, which shows the dominant frames visible in the newspapers and explores the dynamic interplay between media, public opinion, and politics. A framework of five frames, guided by Semetko and Valkenburg’s frames, has been constructed for this research. These are the Moral, Political, Societal Impact, Policy Conflict, and Security frames. The Volkskrant is characterized as progressive and socially oriented. The dominant frame between 2012 and 2022 has been the Societal Impact frame, emphasizing the ban’s consequences for society. In contrast, the Telegraaf, known for its activist and critical stance, used the Political Conflict frame the most often, focusing on discussions around implementing the ban. Contrary to expectations, the study has not identified a polarizing trend over time in the analysis. Moreover, it was concluded that the newspapers are growing convergent with their opinions concerning the burqa ban. When looking at the impact the implementation of the burqa ban has had on the dominant frames, a shift is visible post-implementation. Both newspapers have increased the use of the Societal Impact frame, increasing attention to the law’s implications. Looking forward, this thesis suggests additional research, including an exploration of the beginning of the debate in 2005, the recent victory of Wilders’ PVV, and other newspapers.Show less
The occupation of Palestine by Israel is rarely studied from an environmental colonial perspective. Environmental issues, especially with the growing concerns over climate change, are instead...Show moreThe occupation of Palestine by Israel is rarely studied from an environmental colonial perspective. Environmental issues, especially with the growing concerns over climate change, are instead discussed in the dualist framework of nature versus society, in which human civilization is separated from the environment. Consequently, the environmental landscape is frequently perceived as ‘natural,’ and therefore: apolitical. In addition, the blame for the effects of climate problems in ex-colonies in the MENA is often put on the mismanagement of local people. In this way, the wider socio-political, cultural, and economic structures embedded in the environment, are overlooked. This thesis argues that in the last decennia art projects in Palestine highlight these often-ignored connections. They counter Israeli environmental colonialism in the West Bank, and show that the deterioration of the Palestinian environment is not an unfortunate byproduct of settler colonialism, but a factor that influences the entire ecology and various aspects of Palestinian life. Through the revival of ecology, (agri)cultural traditions, and communities, the art projects expose Israeli colonial practices that destruct Palestinian ecology. Within a human and ‘more-than-human’ ecology, they revive cultural and communal ties that are constantly threatened by settler colonial erasure. The artists resist these Israeli environmental colonial practices through sumud (‘steadfastness’), shifting away from the earlier symbolic display of landscape in Palestine, toward artistic interventions in the local ecology.Show less
Offensive realism has identified the Iranian interventionism in Syria as a major coercive regional strategy. The military and the political aspects of this intervention have been widely discussed....Show moreOffensive realism has identified the Iranian interventionism in Syria as a major coercive regional strategy. The military and the political aspects of this intervention have been widely discussed. However, the academic literature on the local dynamics of such policy in a post-colonial perspective is underdeveloped. Especially when we attempt to identify the sectarian consequences of the Iranian economic policies in Syria and the ramifications of settling and naturalizing increasing numbers of Shiites in Damascus, Homs, and the Lebanese borderline with Syria – ‘Useful Syria’ as defined by President Assad. These areas have suffered a drastic forced displacement of the original Sunni locals, only to be substituted with loyal new citizens of a Shiite background. This thesis discusses this topic, providing also an overview of the Iranian economic interventionism in Syria since 1979.Show less
In the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political...Show moreIn the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political realities. This deterministic way of interpreting the relationship between the Middle Eastern environment and its inhabitants has been subject to critique from a growing body of literature on political ecology. Although some political ecology research has challenged environmental deterministic assumptions by exploring the role of natural resources in environmental challenges in the Gulf, previous works have not yet provided a comprehensive analysis of various environmental dimensions in a single case study context. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature by asking: What is the role of natural resources in engaging with environmental challenges in relation to water, food, and energy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)? This thesis examines the political-ecological metabolisms of three strategies employed to address environmental challenges in relation to water, energy, and food in the UAE: desalination, solar energy, and land grabs. With an explicit focus on power, this study reveals that humans and nature are intertwined, challenging the conventional academic wisdom.Show less
This master’s thesis investigates whether anti-Islam neo-Orientalist populist political discourse in the context of the 2015 migration crisis deepened Islamophobia in French and Hungarian society,...Show moreThis master’s thesis investigates whether anti-Islam neo-Orientalist populist political discourse in the context of the 2015 migration crisis deepened Islamophobia in French and Hungarian society, causing lasting damage to the perception of Middle Eastern and North African immigrants and refugees, taking into consideration whether the respective country’s citizens had already been exposed to a considerable population of immigrant background before the crisis. The research delves into how the political discourse of the largest and most influential right-wing to far-right political parties in France and Hungary affected and shaped public opinion, social hostility, and Islamophobia between the first considerable influx of immigrants in 2015 and the first nationwide elections held after the crisis, in 2017 in France and 2018 in Hungary. By comparing similar social and political phenomena in the two countries, the current thesis also scrutinizes crucial differences between France and Hungary’s respective historical, political, social, and demographic contexts to reveal why certain political and rhetorical strategies proved successful in one country and not in the other.Show less
Lebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most...Show moreLebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most diverse protest movement in decades and its anti-sectarian stature was entirely unprecedented. For the first time, many Lebanese called on their confessional leaders to resign. This thesis examines firstly why the uprising directed its focus toward political sectarianism as a primary cause of Lebanon’s political and economic plight. The inability or unwillingness of sectarian leaders to deliver basic services to their constituents created a situation in which Lebanese across all sects were more united than ever before in their collective plight. Second, it explores the timing of the uprising in the fall of 2019. It argues that the uprising was the culmination of simmering resentments that finally erupted as a result of deteriorating economic conditions, political corruption, and a series of disasters that the government failed to prevent or address. Lastly, the thesis investigates how the uprising helped propel anti-sectarian ideas that were previously taboo into mainstream political discourse. While the 17 October Uprising ultimately failed to achieve its objective of establishing a secular rather than sectarian political order, it stands as the most significant challenge to political sectarianism in the country’s history and could pave the way for future mobilizations in the same vein. This thesis will contribute to the nascent body of literature on the 17 October Uprising and the broader scholarship on sectarian power-sharing as a system of governance.Show less
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is not only recognized as the founder of modern Turkey but also revered as its "eternal leader." His image holds significant cultural and political weight in Turkey, and...Show moreMustafa Kemal Atatürk is not only recognized as the founder of modern Turkey but also revered as its "eternal leader." His image holds significant cultural and political weight in Turkey, and understanding how it is constructed and portrayed in media is crucial for comprehending the evolution of Turkish national identity. This thesis explores the portrayal of Atatürk's image in cultural products, specifically through TV series, and how this portrayal has evolved over time, with a focus on the comparison between the TV series Liberation (1994) and Crossroad (2012). Using the research methodology of film analysis, this paper conducts a comparative study of two television series from content and context perspectives. It argues that while both television series emphasize Atatürk’s role as a Turkish nationalist, dedicated to modernization and democratic reforms, Liberation attempts to depict him as an almost unopposed omnipotent leader and retells the official history. In contrast, Crossroad highlights the significant disagreements between the Republican People's Party officials and Atatürk, as well as societal opposition to the party’s rule in the context of the establishment of a loyal opposition party, Liberal Republican Party. These differences are closely related to the changes in Atatürk veneration and the secular institutions’ status from the 1990s to the 2010s, shifts in the government's promotion of national identity, and the policies of the Justice and Development Party government in the 2010s. In summary, this thesis addresses the previous research gap regarding the portrayal of Atatürk in television series and links the trajectory of Atatürk's image transformation to the social and political changes in Turkey.Show less
In recent years, the whole world has been embroiled in the intermingled crises of the COVID-19 pandemic, global recession, and Ukrainian-Russian conflicts. As a result, the petroleum regime that...Show moreIn recent years, the whole world has been embroiled in the intermingled crises of the COVID-19 pandemic, global recession, and Ukrainian-Russian conflicts. As a result, the petroleum regime that nourished our global economies for the last seven decades was massively destabilized and further imperiled by the impending climate change. Against this backdrop, the renewable energy transition is enshrined as a robust alternative to reverse the bleak status quo and reinvigorate our waning economies. However, it may not fulfill the promising future as expected. In this research, I adopted a comprehensive geographical and political-economic framework to conduct a multiscalar critique of the renewable transition in Morocco and a larger trans-Mediterranean landscape. The research aims to argue that the renewable energy transition requires the same fraud, dispossession, and control as under the petroleum regime to be materialized. In this process, the technological advantage, financial investment, environmentalist discourse, colonial conception, and legal framework of Europe constitute a type of 'hegemony'. This hegemony is maneuvered to reshape the ecologically unequal exchange between Morocco and Europe under an emerging renewable regime and further their asymmetrical relations since the old. More unfortunately, the renewable transition tends to prolong overproduction, overconsumption, and overaccumulation cliché that will doom humans rather than build more sustainable social and human-ecological relations in the future. It drives us to reflect on which socioeconomic scenario we should implement the transition.Show less
The objective of this research is to analyze the terms "salafism" and "wahhabism" in modern Russia. The question could be formulated thus: What does "salafism" and "wahhabism" mean to politicians,...Show moreThe objective of this research is to analyze the terms "salafism" and "wahhabism" in modern Russia. The question could be formulated thus: What does "salafism" and "wahhabism" mean to politicians, academics, and official Muslim clergy in Russia; How did their understanding/perception evolve in the recent history?Show less
