Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
under embargo until 2024-09-26
2024-09-26T00:00:00Z
This thesis studies on the official letters of Anūshtakīnid Khwārazmshāh dynasty written Rashīd al-Dīn al-Waṭwāṭ (508/1112 - 573/1177), the chief kātib (scribe official) in the court of...Show moreThis thesis studies on the official letters of Anūshtakīnid Khwārazmshāh dynasty written Rashīd al-Dīn al-Waṭwāṭ (508/1112 - 573/1177), the chief kātib (scribe official) in the court of Khwārazmshāh dynasty and explores the concept of loyalty in the letters of Rashīd al-Dīn al-Waṭwāṭ with the main focus on the complexity of social and political networks in Khwārazm before the Mongol invasion. The research question of the thesis is “How did al-Waṭwāṭ reconcile the moralism and real politikal interest inside the relationships of loyalty in his letters?”. The thesis first reviews various academic works and arguments on loyalty into four categories based on historical periods and disciplines and the historical background of al-Waṭwāṭ and Anūshtakīnid Khwārazm, then studies the narrative of al-Waṭwāṭ on three types of relationships of loyalty, which are respectively the relationships of loyalty between the populace and the rulers, the relationships of loyalty between the officials and the rulers, and the relationships of loyalty between rulers.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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When the reformist Mohammad Khatami (b. 1943) became president of Iran in 1997, most socioeconomic strata, workers and students in particular, expected changes to Iran’s political and economic make...Show moreWhen the reformist Mohammad Khatami (b. 1943) became president of Iran in 1997, most socioeconomic strata, workers and students in particular, expected changes to Iran’s political and economic make-up. These expectations were largely grounded in Khatami’s rhetoric of social justice and the promises of more socio-political and cultural freedoms that he voiced during his electoral campaign. In practice, however, these promises did not materialise and disappointed workers and students alike. Khatami continued the economic neoliberalisation that his predecessor Rafsanjani (r. 1989-1997) had begun and the supreme leader, Khamenei (r. 1989-), heavily resisted his attempts to create more relaxed academic settings. Although the existing literature explains why Khatami and Khamenei, which respectively represented the reformist and conservative sides of the political spectrum, embraced different labour policy-paths, it does not seek to understand how both officials constructed their social reality such that it made sense for them to do so. Presuming that the meaning of political factions is objectively defined, the literature therefore foregoes enquiring after the discursive context in which they constructed their ideologies and how these related to their policy-paths. However, as policies do not originate in an intellectual and institutional vacuum but are made possible in a political context where competing discourses interact, examining them from a discursive perspective clarifies how rather than why these officials perceived them as meaningful paths to pursue. This focus on ideology construction then leads to enquiring how both constructed Iran’s identity and, by implication, that of workers and students. Taking a poststructuralist approach, this thesis therefore enquires how Khatami’s and Khamenei’s evolving discursive negotiation on Iranian identity was co-constitutionally related to the approved labour policies that concerned workers and students during Khatami’s presidency (r. 1997-2005).Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis provides a detailed case study of the Syrian Archive, the Syrian-led human rights organization that collects, verifies, and contextualizes visual material of human rights violations in...Show moreThis thesis provides a detailed case study of the Syrian Archive, the Syrian-led human rights organization that collects, verifies, and contextualizes visual material of human rights violations in the Syrian conflict. This research draws on diaspora mobilization and social movement theory literature and employs an interpretive approach to thematic analysis to examine how the Syrian Archive contributes to accountability for human rights violations in Syria. The primary data collected are in-depth semi-structured interviews with the Syrian Archive team, in addition to in-depth semi- structured interviews with people working at prominent international organisations in the human rights field. As the findings show, the Syrian Archive contributes to accountability in three ways: by turning digital material into digital evidence, by facilitating political action, and by providing a counter narrative. The interviews with external interviewees from Human Rights Watch, Bellingcat, Amnesty International, and ECCHR reveal the continued impact and mutual dependence that has emerged. The case study of Syrian Archive shows how civil society actors can experiment with new bottom-up possibilities of addressing and pushing for accountability and justice for human rights violations.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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The discussions surrounding the authenticity of the extra-Qur'ānic traditions in Islam has been a prevalent theme in the scholarship for the last six decades. This thesis is about the modern...Show moreThe discussions surrounding the authenticity of the extra-Qur'ānic traditions in Islam has been a prevalent theme in the scholarship for the last six decades. This thesis is about the modern polemics surrounding the parts of the Islamic tradition with supposed Jewish origins, also known as the “Isrāʾīliyyāt”. The term Isrāʾīliyyāt has been the subject of numerous religious-polemical works since the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with Modernist Muslim commentators arguing for the ejection of this material to make way for a return to pristine Islam. Although such arguments against Isrāʾīliyyāt find considerable coverage in the academic literature, the dynamic exegetical scene in Turkey is often neglected. Highlighting the discussions in Turkey, this research aims to bring out the contemporary debates about Isrāʾīliyyāt therein with a study of the ‘new media’, a platform that is widely used by preachers from different ideological camps. This thesis seeks to situate the Turkish case within the larger Middle Eastern context of Modernist Islam by discovering the connections between exegetes from different localities and eras, aiming to locate the intellectual influences of the figures that are studied.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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The colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic...Show moreThe colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic and military history of these borders to their economic and social significance. This thesis aims at completing this shift in regard to the boundary between the British Mandate on Palestine and the French Mandate on Syria and Lebanon. Assuming a borderland perspective, this research looks into the different ways in which local, regional and colonial actors engaged with the border and its administration. It reconstructs the evolution of state border practices on both sides in the years from the British redeployment along the OET line in 1919 until the demise of the Palestine Mandate in 1948. Looking into the agency of a wide range of actors, including peasants, travelers, smugglers and illegal migrants, this thesis argues that the relation the indigenous population had with the border cannot be understood solely through an oppositional frame. Rather, it suggests that this relation was extremely dynamic, and that the subversion of the new territorial order went along with forms of compliance with state regulations and exploitation of the limits of state jurisdictions.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis focuses on property disputes in Iraq resulting from former regime policies between 1968 and 2003. The former regime used three intertwined strategies that resulted in loss of real...Show moreThis thesis focuses on property disputes in Iraq resulting from former regime policies between 1968 and 2003. The former regime used three intertwined strategies that resulted in loss of real property in particularly the northern regions of Iraq. Through land reforms, Arabization, and a series of attacks on Kurdish regions in the late 1980’s (entitled Anfāl) many persons were affected, notably Kurds. Houses and land were then often given to Arabs to tip the demographic balance in Kurdish majority areas in favor of Arabs. This thesis describes the stories of three victims of such property loss, and proceeds to analyze the legislative framework in place to solve these issues. From there, it analyses the Property Claims Commission, which has been the sole institution in Iraq to address the property conflicts that developed as a result of these former strategies.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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In 2011 an unprecedented wave of protests erupted from Tunisia and soon spread throughout the Arab World. While the initial euphoria was backed by the revolutions in Tunis and Cairo, the course of...Show moreIn 2011 an unprecedented wave of protests erupted from Tunisia and soon spread throughout the Arab World. While the initial euphoria was backed by the revolutions in Tunis and Cairo, the course of events in Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and ultimately Syria began to highlight that a romantic view of revolutions seems out of place. The two kingdoms of Jordan and Morocco have also witnessed significant protests in 2011 especially. However, these did not lead to a revolution – in fact, this was not their goal. The vast majority of those rallying in the streets demanded reforms of Jordan's and Morocco's political institutions, including the parliament, the electoral law and the constitution. This development, combined with the resilience of the Gulf monarchies (with Bahrain as a critical case), has once again brought the monarchy debate back into the limelight. The major underlying question here is does monarchy matter? Facing protests, both Abdullah II and Muhammad VI responded by reforming institutions. In Jordan, the constitution was amended and elections were held. In Morocco, the people could decide on a new constitution by means of a referendum and early elections were held. While ostensibly giving in to the demands of the protesters, these changes did not challenge the status quo but left Abdullah II and Muhammad VI with their almost omnipotent power. From a theoretical perspective this seems particularly interesting. Different approaches, stressing the impact of rentierism, foreign support or family participation, have attempted to explain the survival of monarchies in the Arab World over the past decades. The euphoria of the 'third wave of democratization' (Huntington) and the 'end of history' (Fukuyama) then transcended into scholarly publications during the 1990s, fostering the idea of institutions, once in place, contributing to a gradual process of democratization. During the second half of the 2000s scholars then began to realize that such effects failed to materialize in many cases. In fact, incumbents seemed to have employed democratic rhetoric and (re-)installed parliaments as well as elections while at the same time limiting their power and impact. In Jordan and Morocco these institutions also included another crucial function to Abdullah II and Muhammad VI respectively: they provided an intermediary level between king and people that can be criticized. In order to underpin this analysis, several primary sources for selected key dates since 2011 were taken into account besides the secondary literature. For Jordan, speeches of Abdullah II were considered as well as the text of the constitution, seeing that the latter was subject to change in 2011. Moreover, the coverage of the pro-monarchy newspaper Al-Dustour, the independent Ammon News and the country's main political opposition, the Islamic Action Front IAF, was analyzed. In a similar fashion, the statements of Muhammad VI and the kingdom's constitution were looked at for Morocco. Furthermore, the pro-monarchy newspaper Al-Sabah and the independent Al-Masa' were part of the analysis as well as Morocco's Islamist political opposition party, the Parti de la Justice et du Développement PJD, and the 20 February Movement, a youth group that was founded in early 2011. As the analysis suggests, the discourse about changes in the political system that erupted again in 2011 was almost entirely directed at reforming political institutions. Across the board official statements, pro-monarchy newspapers, but also independent and oppositional groups, made use of a technical language that focused on reforming the parliament, the electoral law or the constitution. These actors also approved the changes made respectively, seeing a solution and a step forward in them. Here, only little demands for a continued reform were raised. All these actors seemed to operate within the boundaries defined by the palace. The example of the 20 February Movement in Morocco stressed how deviating from this public reform discourse can result in selective repression and crackdown. The monarchies Jordan and Morocco have dodged the Arab Spring by allowing and engaging in institutional reforms. Although constitutions were amended or changed and elections were held the power balance has not changed. Accordingly, these institutions have helped Abdullah II and Muhammad VI to maintain their hold onto power rather than lowering it. Such an understanding of political institutions challenges the idea of them ultimately bringing about democratic change. Moreover, with regards to the monarchy debate the findings suggest that such a political setup, in which institutions serve as intermediary between king and people, allows the kings to remain seemingly distant from daily politics. It appears more difficult for presidents or prime minister, as heads of states in republics, to act in a similar fashion as they are by definition presiding the government.Show less
