Kaput is about escaping hegemonical structures. Yet, I claim that these structures perpetuate themselves through escape, the harder we run the more rigid these structures get. So the question...Show moreKaput is about escaping hegemonical structures. Yet, I claim that these structures perpetuate themselves through escape, the harder we run the more rigid these structures get. So the question becomes, what can we do to get rid of these structures without resorting to fleeing from them?Show less
Academic studies of nonduality tend to focus on the phenomenology of what is called “nondual experience” or “nondual awareness” that is universal to a wide range of diverse spiritual traditions...Show moreAcademic studies of nonduality tend to focus on the phenomenology of what is called “nondual experience” or “nondual awareness” that is universal to a wide range of diverse spiritual traditions such as Mahāyāna Buddhism, Advaita Vedānta, Daoism, as well as Christianity and Sufism among others. A popular way of approaching nonduality from a philosophical perspective is to assume or argue that these contradictory metaphysical systems are grounded in the same or similar phenomenological experience, which is then taken as a basis for the resolution of ontological differences between these diverse systems to arrive at a conclusion proclaiming a single absolute truth or reality revealed by all of them. This work challenges such an understanding of nonduality by engaging with an influential study in the field of intercultural comparative philosophy authored by David Loy and showing how this type of interpretation leads to epistemologically dualistic consequences, which render it untenable. What follows is a presentation of an alternative way of approaching nonduality based on the Tibetan Buddhist tradition of Dzogchen. By tracing its origins in the Indian Mahāyāna Buddhist thought, this work presents how two fundamental kinds of nonduality are understood in Dzogchen: the relative-ultimate nonduality, based on Madhyamaka, and the subject-object nonduality, based on Yogācāra. The conclusion this study aims to establish is that the most philosophically cogent presentation of nonduality is one where the negations of duality are understood to be nonimplicative, revealing the inseparable identity of any two poles under consideration. Nonduality as inseparability means that neither of the given two poles is reducible to the other, as a negation of duality is not seen to imply a unified or singular absolute reality.Show less
In recent years, Automated Influence, understood as “the use of artificial intelligence to collect, integrate and analyse people’s data, and to deliver targeted interventions based on this analysis...Show moreIn recent years, Automated Influence, understood as “the use of artificial intelligence to collect, integrate and analyse people’s data, and to deliver targeted interventions based on this analysis, intended to shape their behaviour” (familiarly referred to as ‘algorithms’) has stirred up many debates among the public, as well as within academia (Benn & Lazar 2022, 127). While much of the discussion has focused primarily on issues of privacy in the light of Big Data, this thesis seeks to analyze how Automated Influence impacts the deliberative, discursive, and fundamentally social space on which society depends on, in particular for collective decision-making/politics. I argue that Automated Influence deployed on social media platforms violates people’s fundamental interest in social agency, which is defined as the ability of a person to act and reflect on her own motives all the while taking part in the fundamentally social process of forming, defending, and adapting the reasons according to which she acts. Moreover, it undermines people’s autonomy and social trust, which both serve as preconditions for their exercise social agency. After reviewing contemporary EU regulation seeking to address some of the problematic aspects related to Automated Influence, I explain why there cannot be a purely top-down approach to mitigating the harms emanating from Automated Influence, which results in my conclusion that only through educating people about its potential harms could mitigate the problem in the long run.Show less
It is my contention that we – in our time – do have an answer to the question: hidden at the very core of the web of different perspectives, lies the central insight that – in my words – death...Show moreIt is my contention that we – in our time – do have an answer to the question: hidden at the very core of the web of different perspectives, lies the central insight that – in my words – death reveals the meaning of existence. This is the thesis I will put forth over the course of this investigation, based on a discussion of three major perspectives on the relation between death and meaning. The thesis is centered around the verb revealing, interpreted in three different ways, allowing me to synthesize the different perspectives into one central claim whilst respecting their differences. The claim that death reveals the meaning of existence comes down to the attempt to think the paradox of death. As such, my main objective is to show that death must be thought in its ambiguity. Death’s ambiguity will turn out to be the common ground underlying all perspectives I will discuss; it is the space where death is revealed in its relation to the meaning of existence. As such, the claim that death reveals the meaning of existence will itself prove to be an equivocal statement.Show less
Post-foundational political thought, based on the recognition of necessary contingency of all political arrangements has been widely employed as both an analytical tool as well as a vehicle for...Show morePost-foundational political thought, based on the recognition of necessary contingency of all political arrangements has been widely employed as both an analytical tool as well as a vehicle for critique in light of several diagnoses of the abysmal future of contemporary democracies. Nonetheless, there is reason to belief that the efficacy of post-foundationalism is compromised through a deficit in the articulation of normative critique, and in the actualisation and operationalisation of critique revealing the contingency of the political, i.e., ethico-political critique. This thesis sets out to fulfil two endeavours: first, identify the possibility of articulating ethico-political critique within a paradigm of post-foundationalism through relational practices in social ontology, and second, apply this paradigm as an analytical tool onto one of the most prominent diagnoses of contemporary democracy’s decline, Wendy Brown’s account of neoliberal de-democratisation. Through this, this thesis argues that the site of ethico-political critique in post-foundationalism may be found in relational resistance practices within the ontic dimension of the social which reveal the contingency of both ontic and ontological arrangements in both the social and the political. Thus, such practices could serve as a first step in articulating a scheme of critique against neoliberal de-democratisation which, according to Brown, currently fails due to the absence of alternative world-views.Show less
This master’s thesis investigates the overlapping democratic concerns underlying diverse paradigms of participation proposed for the contemporary digital public sphere. I present conceptual...Show moreThis master’s thesis investigates the overlapping democratic concerns underlying diverse paradigms of participation proposed for the contemporary digital public sphere. I present conceptual frameworks in Chapters Two and Three to frame the contested problem of political polarization in the digital public sphere. The research highlights the persistent challenge in framing the problem of political polarization, which necessitates a philosophical reconciliation of competing democratic accounts. In my review, I imply a priority for discursive principles for the digital age. Defending the deliberative-republican analysis of the digital public sphere, I identify specific democratic principles at-risk: epistemic equality, inclusivity, media pluralism, mediated exchange, relational equality, competent participation, and civic solidarity. Chapters four and five contain examples to support my core argument, centred on using deliberative processes to counter algorithmic misinformation. I propose three deliberative solutions to enhance formal accountability of social media platforms. At the core of my argument lies the imperative to cultivate a participatory digital culture aligned with citizens' epistemic interests in accuracy and truth, requiring commitment from both governments and citizens. In light of these considerations, I analyse the potential of citizen juries, deliberative polling, and voting advice applications as mechanisms to debunk misinformation and mitigate amplification risks intrinsic to the digital public sphere. In Chapter Four, I additionally outline three plausible challenges to the empirical assumptions I adopt. While the extent of echo-chambers is debated in various democratic perspectives, I argue that prioritizing improved quality of deliberation is essential. This is particularly important due to the increased susceptibility of some citizens to fake news on social media platforms, largely stemming from intergenerational digital media illiteracy. I maintain that addressing algorithmic misinformation through wider deliberation enhances citizens' knowledge and reduces their isolation. In concluding Chapter Five, I highlight the connection between democratic accountability, the formal authorization of social media platforms, and the ongoing discussions surrounding digital power. I align with the republican viewpoint that emphasizes involving citizens in processes of authorization and accountability. Furthermore, I outline potential directions for deeper exploration and discuss the broader impacts of my specific proposals aimed at enhancing the digital competence of citizens. Key-thinkers: Elizabeth Anderson, James Fishkin, Jürgen Habermas, and Cass SunsteinShow less
The intention behind writing the present essay on the Difference Between Fichte’s and Schelling’s Systems of Philosophy was to find the guiding idea that, acting as a thread of Ariadne, could...Show moreThe intention behind writing the present essay on the Difference Between Fichte’s and Schelling’s Systems of Philosophy was to find the guiding idea that, acting as a thread of Ariadne, could connect Hegel’s early philosophical project with what across the following argument will be referred to as the paradox of temporality. Deliberately, the above title refers to ‘temporality’, and not to ‘Time’. Temporality is not a term employed by Hegel in his writings. In a strict sense, what Hegel explicitly refers to as Time is limited to natural Time, and any other sense that might be associated with a temporality beyond natural Time is understood by Hegel as History —not as temporality. In Hegel’s works, Time and History pertain to the different realms of Nature and Spirit. Nevertheless, at the same time, for Hegel Nature and Spirit constitute instances in the unfolding of the Absolute Idea. Far from being a merely pure or abstract form, the Absolute Idea exists and becomes concrete as both realms. Consequently, beyond the letter of Hegelian philosophy, there is a common element to ‘Time’ and ‘History’, in that they both are the existing logical figure of finitude, or of ‘that which has its negation out of itself’ . The central claim of the present essay is that, in Hegel’s philosophy, there is this larger and contradictory logic connecting ‘Time’ and ‘History’ (a paradox of temporality), and that the paradoxical nature of this logic can be explained by an early concept found in the Difference: the notion of absolute identity. Therefore, the following argument will consider two main questions. Firstly: what are the main aspects of the contradiction of temporality in Nature and in Spirit? Secondly: how does Hegel’s early notion of absolute identity account for this paradox of temporality?Show less
Today, the world faces one crisis after another affecting individuals on a global scale. To respond to these crises, Anglo-American ethical and political philosophy requires alternative conceptions...Show moreToday, the world faces one crisis after another affecting individuals on a global scale. To respond to these crises, Anglo-American ethical and political philosophy requires alternative conceptions of care. Moving beyond (neo)liberal care ethics, this thesis argues for a non-gendered Confucian care ethics, illustrating what it means to care democratically. The aim is to alter democratic deficits by embracing interrelated Confucian selfhood. This enables intergenerational care to adapt to contemporary social challenges to humanity, democracy, equality, and freedom. I expand the notion of Confucian interrelated selfhood – transforming dichotomous moral boundaries of identity, community, and society – to include non-gendered, non-dyadic relationships. To be relevant for future generations, Confucian care ethical democracy must offer a theory of justice that understands how to care for each other in society. Whilst facing numerous care crises, it is imperative to encourage people to explore what it means to care intergenerationally for the present and future world. A communal effort to flourish on this planet starts by understanding the complexity of raising oneself, each other, and a whole society.Show less
This thesis will focus on overcoming inconsistencies found in Nussbaum’s theory on animal ethics, with help from Carter’s work on opacity respect. It will contain six chapters with each its own...Show moreThis thesis will focus on overcoming inconsistencies found in Nussbaum’s theory on animal ethics, with help from Carter’s work on opacity respect. It will contain six chapters with each its own research question. First, I will elaborate on what Nussbaum’s work on animal ethics entails, after which I will go into detail as to why we have sufficient reason to believe that many mysteries on the animal mind have yet to be solved. Nussbaum claims humans have a duty to treat each species according to their wants and needs, but this proofs to be difficult when new aspects of the animal mind are discovered as we speak. The third chapter will contain the main problem with Nussbaum’s theory: she relies too heavily on scientific research about animal consciousness. After I have elaborated on what Carter’s theory on opacity respect entails, I will identify what modifications need to be made in order to apply Carter’s theory onto non-human species. Carter argues that we must look at a creature’s capabilities only at a superficial level; to treat them ‘opaque’ as to avoid unequal treatment. The last chapter will explain why Carter’s theory on opacity respect cannot solve the problem within Nussbaum’s theory, because the core idea of her work will be lost. We will face a difficult dilemma: either we keep Nussbaum’s theory and accept the inconsistency, or reject her theory fully. Other possibilities and further research will be explored additionally.Show less
This thesis examines the justifiability of violent climate disobedience, specifically focusing on the inclusion of property damage as a symbolic element of the wider climate movement. By analysing...Show moreThis thesis examines the justifiability of violent climate disobedience, specifically focusing on the inclusion of property damage as a symbolic element of the wider climate movement. By analysing the urgency and severity of the climate crisis, the research argues that limited and targeted property damage can serve as a catalyst for public debate and draw attention to the pressing need for immediate action. The research explores the ethical and strategic implications of different protest tactics, challenging negative perceptions and providing a clearer understanding of the moral boundaries surrounding climate activism. It highlights the need for more radical tactics in cases where nonviolent methods have been ignored by authorities. The implications of this research are challenging existing discourse and providing a framework for assessing the legitimacy and acceptability of property damage within the climate movement. However, the thesis acknowledges the need to consider the personal costs and consequences for protestors engaging in violent protest, as well as the broader impacts on their well-being and the regenerative culture of the climate movement. Future research should address these limitations and explore philosophical and legal perspectives to further understand the moral complexities and legal considerations associated with violent climate protest. By undertaking these lines of research, a comprehensive understanding of the ethical, legal, and practical dimensions of violent climate disobedience can be achieved, contributing to informed discussions and decision-making processes for activists, policymakers, and society at large.Show less
This thesis delves into the moral dimensions of political authority, particularly focusing on the absence of political obligation and state illegitimacy as proposed by Alan John Simmons, a...Show moreThis thesis delves into the moral dimensions of political authority, particularly focusing on the absence of political obligation and state illegitimacy as proposed by Alan John Simmons, a prominent advocate of philosophical anarchism. It inquires whether Simmons' philosophical anarchism implies political anarchism— involving a duty to oppose and undermine the state. The thesis critically examines Simmons' arguments and counterarguments against critics Joseph Wellman and Thomas Senor, who assert that Simmons' position results in justified disobedience and a moral duty to resist the state. By viewing the moral implications of state illegitimacy within Simmons' 'balance-of-reasons' approach, this thesis contends that Simmons fails to defend his framework against implying political anarchism. Additionally, it proposes the concept of an 'adaptive duty to oppose and undermine the state,' a nuanced approach in response to non-consensual state coercion that acknowledges moral concerns while striving for peaceful yet effective political reform.Show less
The thesis will defend the idea that experiencing meaning can only ensue as a consequence of assuming full responsibility for one’s identity as a person. Frankl’s logotherapy establishes how humans...Show moreThe thesis will defend the idea that experiencing meaning can only ensue as a consequence of assuming full responsibility for one’s identity as a person. Frankl’s logotherapy establishes how humans are capable of being free. As I think there are valid parallels to be made with Kantian moral philosophy, I will show how Kantian-inspired concepts can help us understand in what way human beings carry responsibilities for their identity as persons. However, logotherapy’s ambiguous account of meaning will be re-interpreted to accommodate the subjectivist notion of wilfully striving into a hybrid notion in line with Susan Wolf. Objective formulae of evaluative standards of value constrain and inform the subjectively motivated grounds for actions that are a necessary part of being a person. I will opt for a Kantian formula of value because of its conduciveness to logotherapy’s assumption of human freedom and humanity as an end in itself. As for the notion of subjective striving, I will argue along the lines of Christine Korsgaard that being a person means acting in a way that endorses on what grounds we wish to define ourselves as persons. As such, meaning comes as a by-product of an agent taking responsibility for acting to constitute himself into a particular identity.Show less
