The European microstates Andorra, Liechtenstein and the Holy See have only been partially integrated into the multi-level framework of the European Union (EU). What is puzzling to academics...Show moreThe European microstates Andorra, Liechtenstein and the Holy See have only been partially integrated into the multi-level framework of the European Union (EU). What is puzzling to academics specialized in European Integration is the stark contrast to the degree of integration into the European Union experienced by Malta and Luxembourg which have both fully integrated into the European community in comparison to these microstates. The resultant regulatory and political discrepancies between each of these microstates is investigated in this paper with an investigation into the possibility of further integration for the unincorporated microstates. The different routes to integration of economic, political, and diplomatic arrangements follow in line with the 2013 Association Framework agreement established by Brussels which this paper will use to conceptualize an analysis into wider microstate integration. This paper assumes that intergovernmental agreements between microstates and their EU member state neighbors reduce the incentives for integration into the European Union. Other assumptions rely on an investigation into the value that European microstates have in maintaining their sovereignty at the expense of gains through European integration. It also investigates economic development of these microstates to their degree of integration as a control variable, of which there is less of an impact than intergovernmental agreements. The findings of this paper highlight the importance that microstates show towards intergovernmental agreements over supranational integration.Show less
The central research question addressed in this study is: What are the key determinants of European defense spending, defense investment, and defense investment collaboration from 2005-2021? Using...Show moreThe central research question addressed in this study is: What are the key determinants of European defense spending, defense investment, and defense investment collaboration from 2005-2021? Using data from SIPRI and the European Defense Agency (EDA), this paper performs a series of analyses in the form of Ordinary Least Square (OLS) Regressions, Heckman Two-Step Analyses, and a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) to understand the determinants of the three dependent variables mentioned above. This is the first research to address defense investment and defense investment collaboration as separate dependent variables from defense spending. The findings support the fact that the determinants of defense investment and defense investment collaboration do not exactly mimic those of defense spending, and therefore these should be treated as separate dependent variables going forward. Specifically, this research finds that the type of external threats faced by a country, whether it is an EU15 member, and the risk of free riding all play different roles in defense spending, investment, and collaboration, respectively. A heightened understanding of the determinants of defense spending, defense investment, and defense investment collaboration as different entities will allow EU leadership to make more effective policy decisions in order to enhance investment levels among member states. This is especially important given the current tense geopolitical environment and the depletion of military equipment stockpiles following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine.Show less
With the growth of populism and anti-establishment groups, the spread of authoritarianism and illiberalism, and the effect of the Covid-19 pandemic on democratic government, the world today is...Show moreWith the growth of populism and anti-establishment groups, the spread of authoritarianism and illiberalism, and the effect of the Covid-19 pandemic on democratic government, the world today is experiencing a crisis of democracy. In this context, it is crucial to comprehend the differences in citizen satisfaction with democracy and attitudes towards national technocratic governments under technocratic and non-technocratic governments, as well as how these attitudes and satisfaction levels relate to the current crisis and the difficulties facing liberal democracy. This paper tries to investigate these dynamics in the context of Italy, a member of the European Union with a history of technocratic governments. The study will use survey data to examine how Italian individuals' perceptions of technocratic and party governments differ and how these perceptions connect to the crisis and the difficulties facing liberal democracy. The findings of this study will serve to shed light on the complex relationship between democracy and technocracy in view of the difficulties within democracy and will serve to shape our understanding of these developments.Show less
This thesis focuses on possible variables which could explain the degree of transparency in the reports by the rapporteur about ongoing interinstitutional negotiations to committee meetings. The...Show moreThis thesis focuses on possible variables which could explain the degree of transparency in the reports by the rapporteur about ongoing interinstitutional negotiations to committee meetings. The four expectations describe variables based on research of various authors (Servant & Panning, 2019; Pennetreau and Laloux, 2021; Delreux and Laloux, 2018; Bressanelli, Koop & Reh, 2016; Bressanelli & Chelotti, 2016). The four expectations consist of the rapporteur's cultural background, political background, the inter-institutional conflict between EP and the Council, and the intra-institutional conflict between MEPs. Rejection and or adoption of the expectations will answer the research question. In the eighth parliamentary term, seventeen legislative files from the ENVI committee are used. Besides data from the seventeen cases, five interviews are conducted with political assistants and political advisors from various political groups. The seventeen cases are analysed through a code index based on the research of Pennetreau and Laloux (2021) and Brandsma (2019). All interviews are semi-structured, questions are asked following a topic list, and all interviews are documented. The main findings of the empirical evidence show exciting results regarding the four expectations. The relation between corruption and the transparency of the rapporteur’s reports seems to be validated by analyzing the cases. A small sidenote must be given because this thesis accepts the strong claim that corruption in the European member state of the rapporteur relates to the transparency of the rapporteur’s reports to committee meetings. The EPP and S&D are less transparent in their reports to committee meetings than other political groups. However, both political groups often need the support of other political groups if they want to have the majority and a more extensive mandate towards the Council. Smaller political groups know how to play the political game and influence the initial position of the EP towards the Council. Inter-institutional conflict does not relate to a higher degree of transparency in committee meetings. Still, it does relate to a higher degree of transparency towards the fraction of the rapporteur. The rapporteur may deviate from the position of the EP because of his agenda and or influence from staff, political party, or the government of his European member state. Intra-institutional conflict does not relate to a higher degree of transparency of the rapporteur at committee meetings. It leads to a higher degree of transparency towards the fraction of the rapporteur. The rapporteur wants to influence the favourable voting behaviour of his fraction.Show less
This single case study researches the preferences of the actors identified by the two leading theories of EU (legal) integration: liberal intergovernmentalism and neo-functionalism. The preferences...Show moreThis single case study researches the preferences of the actors identified by the two leading theories of EU (legal) integration: liberal intergovernmentalism and neo-functionalism. The preferences guided us to derive a conclusion on which theory can best explain the termination of intra-EU bilateral investment treaties (BITs). This provided new building blocks to the ongoing discussion of the theories contrasting approaches to EU integration. The methods used in this study are document analysis and within-case causal process tracing to uncover the different steps of the actors to measure their preferences. Liberal intergovernmentalism states that the EU member states’ preferences are the steering factor of legal integration as they are the masters of the EU treaties and the only actors that can alter them. The EU organs act as the agents of the states and are reactive to them. Neo-functionalists explain that individual actors and their self-interests determine integration. They form interest groups on the national and supranational levels and create spillover effects. Furthermore, as the EU agenda setter, the European Commission (EC) is a central actor in explaining EU legal integration. This study found convincing evidence that especially the EC was a significant steering factor in explaining the termination. Overall, the interest groups’ preferences from the supranational level picked up the economic needs of the national level and supported the termination of intra-EU BITs for a change to an EU-wide system to reduce transaction costs and boost the EU economy. This study argued that the member states reacted to these actors. Therefore, this study concluded that neo-functionalism is perceived as the better theoretical approach to explain the termination of intra-EU BITs.Show less
In this thesis, we aim to investigate the impact of an EU crisis on EU news coverage. National mass media has an important democratic role in EU news coverage since it is the primary source of...Show moreIn this thesis, we aim to investigate the impact of an EU crisis on EU news coverage. National mass media has an important democratic role in EU news coverage since it is the primary source of information about the EU for the public, and therefore, can shape the understanding of the public towards the EU. However, mass media does not just transmit information passively, and can frame EU integration in news coverage. We want to analyse what the impact of the Brexit referendum is on the use of a dominant pro-EU, Euroambivalent, or anti-EU integration frame in Dutch mass media. Consequently, we compare EU news coverage in de Volkskrant, NRC Handelsblad, Trouw, and De Telegraaf during the Brexit referendum in 2016, with EU news coverage in 2014. We use a qualitative deductive lens and analyse 372 news articles. In general, we find that an Euroambivalent integration frame is dominant, but both the number of pro-EU and anti-EU news articles increases. Therefore, Dutch mass media fosters a critical public debate on the EU during the Brexit referendum. On top of that, broadsheet newspapers tend to be more supportive of the EU, and tabloid newspaper De Telegraaf tends to be more critical of the EU when an EU crisis is present.Show less
Within the Council of the European Union, Qualified Majority Voting is being implemented in a growing number of policy areas. This thesis tries to answer the question “What is the effect of...Show moreWithin the Council of the European Union, Qualified Majority Voting is being implemented in a growing number of policy areas. This thesis tries to answer the question “What is the effect of substituting unanimity with qualified majority voting on behaviour of member states’ representatives in meetings of the Council of the European Union?”. To answer this question, one case is selected, the council configuration of Agriculture and Fisheries. Through conducting interviews with member states’ representatives active in this policy area, a general overview of the negotiations there is constructed. It is found that shifting the decision rule results in more rational behaviour during the negotiations. Actors showcase more bargaining behaviour when the decision rule is Qualified Majority Voting, and more arguing when it is unanimous decision making. It was not possible to accurately pinpoint what type of negotiating was more common at a certain moment in the negotiations due to the inability to access certain dataShow less
This research sheds light on the effect of political parties’ positions regarding European integration on the collective action frames they use in the Eurobonds debate, focusing on The Netherlands....Show moreThis research sheds light on the effect of political parties’ positions regarding European integration on the collective action frames they use in the Eurobonds debate, focusing on The Netherlands. Parliamentary debates about Eurobonds during both the Eurozone crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic are studied. As a result, this study reveals how collective action framing was used to steer towards acceptance of the shared debt, which is a characteristic of Eurobonds, of the Next Generation Europe (NGEU) recovery program, while The Netherlands had initially positioned itself as a firm opponent. Six collective action frames are identified. These frames demonstrate how political parties use discourse to legitimize or delegitimize policy ideas and choices made on the EU level based on their position on European integration.Show less
This thesis analyses the role of directness of EU policy influence on the frame building by Eurosceptical parties in the context of politicisation of European integration. The thesis consists of a...Show moreThis thesis analyses the role of directness of EU policy influence on the frame building by Eurosceptical parties in the context of politicisation of European integration. The thesis consists of a structured focused comparison of two cases in which domestic policy contestation took place regarding two European(ised) issues that differed in regards to the directness of EU policy influence present. These cases concern the EU’s ban on pulse fishing and the Dutch nitrogen crisis. In analysing the frame building present in each case an inductive qualitative content analysis is conducted on parliamentary contributions by the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV) and Forum for Democracy (FvD) and their party manifestos are reviewed. The findings show that although both topics as such have become politicised in the domestic arena the frame building differs per case. When EU policy influence can be considered more direct, frames more directly involve the European dimension and tap more into external EU delegitimising discourses. However, when EU policy influence can be considered more indirect the domestic dimension is addressed more prominently and focus lies more on chastising the government and disputing the issue on party ideological grounds. These findings hint at the potential causal relevance of such a concept of ‘directness of EU policy influence’ that consolidates insights from the literature on Europeanisation and Multi-Level Blame Games. The thesis forwards a conceptualisation of this directness involving (1) the underlying authority structure of the European(ised) policy, (2) the degree of policy misfit it involves, (3) the soft or hard nature of the policy and (4) the visibility of the European dimension in the policy. The insights of the thesis might be of interests to scholars of politicisation of European integration, particularly post-functionalist scholars, as they help illuminate how the politicisation of a European(ised) policy does not necessarily bring about equivalent politicisation of European integration as a whole.Show less
How the radical right’s favourite themes have dominated some of the main news coverage without necessarily being challenged is worrying. This thesis is focused on the normalization of radical right...Show moreHow the radical right’s favourite themes have dominated some of the main news coverage without necessarily being challenged is worrying. This thesis is focused on the normalization of radical right discourses in the public debate. Based on the content analysis of three major French newspapers articles and of the programmes of the main candidates to the Presidential elections, this work aims to show the extent to which there has been a normalization of radical right discourses in France between 2002 and 2022. I found that while this normalization is mostly present within the right-wing of the political spectrum, liberal and left-wing newspapers also participate in this process. Mainstream politicians too, play a significant role in the normalization of these discourses, and their previous failures in government have opened the door to the radical right.Show less
After a highly politicised debate wherein interest groups have been very active and decisive, the European Parliament voted in favour of a ban on pulse fishing on the 16th of January 2018. In the...Show moreAfter a highly politicised debate wherein interest groups have been very active and decisive, the European Parliament voted in favour of a ban on pulse fishing on the 16th of January 2018. In the discussion before the vote, the two opposing interest groups active in the pulse fishing case tried to influence the Members of the European Parliament by using scientific knowledge. The theoretical framework of this thesis exists of two theoretical perspectives. The academic literature on scientific knowledge utilisation distinguishes three different modes: the instrumental, the substantiating and the legitimising mode. Academic contributions on interest groups in the context of the European Union and more specifically the European Parliament distinguishes between business and citizen interest groups. Because the link between these two academic contributions has not yet been established, there is a literature gap. This study aims to explain the difference in the modes of scientific knowledge utilisation between the two different types of interest groups, as visible in the case of pulse fishing. To test the expectation that citizen interest groups make use of the substantiating mode and business interest groups make use of the legitimising mode, a qualitative document analysis is applied to the single case of pulse fishing. The main finding of this thesis is that the difference in the mode of scientific knowledge use by interest groups with regard to the decision-making process concerning the ban on pulse fishing by the European Parliament can be explained by the type of interest group. The results confirm thus the expectation and are therefore in line with the academic literature used, but also show that scientific knowledge can be used ambiguously. The findings of this thesis can be useful for both researchers and interest groups because it offers an insight into how scientific knowledge is used in policy making via interest groups, underscoring both its academic and societal relevance.Show less
The Brexit-trade negotiations were the first trade negotiations after an EU-member left the organisation, resulting in four years of negotiating and in December 2020 a final deal which determines...Show moreThe Brexit-trade negotiations were the first trade negotiations after an EU-member left the organisation, resulting in four years of negotiating and in December 2020 a final deal which determines the new relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union. Unlike other trade agreements, the Brexit-negotiations are not characterized by its politicisation. This research will investigate how influence on the EU (both formal and informal forms of influence) and transparency explain (the absence of) politicisation regarding these Brexit-negotiations. For politicisation, this thesis focusses on three elements: polarization, expansion, and salience. The focus of the analysis is on four of the member states that have close economic ties with the UK. For these member states, a dataset consisting of data for all variables for the whole period of negotiations is composed. Via multiple OLS regression, the relations are measured, and significant relations were found for several variables regarding the influence on the European Union (GDP/capita, population, nationality of the commissioner) and the level transparency. Council presidency did not lead to significant relations with the elements of politicisation.Show less
