The political history and lived experience of Russians in the Baltic states of Latvia and Estonia plausibly constitutes an historic example of civic Othering. The hybrid, multi-layered identities...Show moreThe political history and lived experience of Russians in the Baltic states of Latvia and Estonia plausibly constitutes an historic example of civic Othering. The hybrid, multi-layered identities and subjective perceptions of nationality amongst these communities have been covered by academic research. At the same time, Latvia and Estonia have engaged in the political dialogue of ‘Europeanization’ as Member States of the European Union, as part of a top-down process to understand and, at times, promote a common ‘European identity’, which has also been frequent analyzed and discussed in academic literature. While both these aspects of research have been extensive, there has been less contemporary investigation at their crossroads: European identity amongst Russians in Estonia and Latvia. This paper performs a ‘research synthesis’ type of meta-analysis on academic and policy papers to shed light on this potential gap between academic literature and policy research. Its conclusions have implications for researchers and practitioners of both kinds, as well as grounds to consider the gap as a form of ‘methodological Othering’ itself.Show less
In this thesis, it is researched how local initiatives regarding national identity in the city of Lida relate to the official political rhetoric about national identity. The ideas of Belarus as a...Show moreIn this thesis, it is researched how local initiatives regarding national identity in the city of Lida relate to the official political rhetoric about national identity. The ideas of Belarus as a European nation, Belarus as a neutral and self-sufficient nation and Belarus as a geopolitically predetermined nation are used as a framework in which the official political rhetoric and local initiatives in Lida are analysed. The conclusion of the thesis is that there is a discrepancy in Belarusian society regarding the official form of national identity and the local form present in Lida's society.Show less
This thesis seeks to analyse the institutional framework guiding Russia’s growing interest in Arctic development. In particular, the research aimed to answer the question: How much agency do the...Show moreThis thesis seeks to analyse the institutional framework guiding Russia’s growing interest in Arctic development. In particular, the research aimed to answer the question: How much agency do the constituent entities of the Russian Federation have in the socio-economic development of the Arctic? The focus of the research is on transport infrastructure, the reason being that Arctic development hinges on the creation of an effective transport system so that other, more lucrative economic interests can be accessed and exploited. The research engaged with the legislative and strategic documents of both the federal authorities and the regions through a doctrinal analysis of policy mechanisms. The thesis contends that regions do have significant agency in the development of transport infrastructure, in so far as said transport infrastructure forms a part of the Support Zone mechanism. In doing so, the thesis shows that the Arctic regions enjoy the independence necessary to identify areas of economic interest in their regions, formulate a cluster of development projects, implement a corresponding program, and monitor the program’s progress. Additionally, the thesis was able to identify the limits of regional agency, which exist depending on the importance of a given socio-economic development project to the federal authorities. We see this determinant in practice in the hierarchical distinction between the Northern Sea Route and the land-based transport systems (including river and air transport). Due to the geopolitical potential of the Northern Sea Route, it occupies a place of supreme importance in Arctic development, and is therefore governed by the Centre. In contrast, land-based transport systems are principally of national, and economic importance, and thus their development is delegated to the regions.Show less
This analysis seeks to find out whether state support measures have resulted in increased inequality in the Russian agricultural sector in the last 10 years. Based on firm-level data, several...Show moreThis analysis seeks to find out whether state support measures have resulted in increased inequality in the Russian agricultural sector in the last 10 years. Based on firm-level data, several measures of inequality are constructed in section 4. All measures point to an increase in industry concentration, particularly in the livestock subsector. Several factors which may offer possible explanations for this increase are presented in section 3: stakeholders have a preference for larger farms, transaction costs for land and markets were higher for smaller farmers, and agricultural support measures give more support to larger farms. Lastly, the top 5 agroholdings in Russia were described. These holdings had particular advantages: special access to regular state support, excellent access to capital, and alternative state support in quasi-legal ways.Show less
The present thesis addresses the local memory of the 2nd of May events in Odesa, Ukraine, a culmination of fights between supporters and opponents of the Maidan government that obtained power in...Show moreThe present thesis addresses the local memory of the 2nd of May events in Odesa, Ukraine, a culmination of fights between supporters and opponents of the Maidan government that obtained power in February 2014. The respective street clashes in Odesa killed six individuals, while 42 lost their lives in a fire in the Trade Union Building. At the surface, these clashes were a contraposition between groupings favoring a Ukrainian nationalistic vector and their opponents desiring pro-Russian policies. However, the local element of these clashes seems to transcend this binary approach. Situated in memory theory, the present thesis addresses the way the memory of these events among Odesans fits into the spectrum spanned by a pro-Ukrainian and a pro-Russian frame of interpreting history. Through a month of field work, during which 41 semi-structured interviews were conducted with Odesans, the thesis answers the central research question: “How do individual and collective memory regarding the 2nd of May events in Odesa interact?”. The thesis identifies four narratives regarding the 2nd of May events: a pro-Ukrainian, an ‘old-Odesan’, an apolitical, and a pro-Russian narrative. Analysis of these narratives provides the following conclusions. Firstly, the use of history as an argument to explain for the present varied widely. Some built their perception of the present events on analogies to events dating to World War II, while others situate their memory more in relation to contemporary events. Secondly, the absence of an authoritative source of information regarding the 2nd of May events is identified, leading to a construction of the interviewees’ memory on personal accounts and hearsays from others. This has resulted in wildly divergent accounts and theories of what happened on the respective day. Thirdly, the specific character of the 2nd of May events, which consisted of two largely disjunct sets of events, is argued to facilitate the inclusion of narratives regarding these events into coherent storylines for both conflicting sides. Fourthly, the different layers of identification that are expressed through the different narratives are analyzed. It is argued that shared belief systems account for shared memories in a more overarching way than membership of specific social groups does. The negotiation of the city of Odesa throughout the different narratives is analyzed in a closing argument.Show less
This MA thesis is a research into the origins, structure and patronage of the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics in Eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. In this MA thesis, five terms are being...Show moreThis MA thesis is a research into the origins, structure and patronage of the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics in Eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. In this MA thesis, five terms are being researched to see whether or not they are applicable to the People's Republics in the Donbas. These terms are puppet state, protectorate, client state, associated state and vassal state. The conclusion of this MA thesis is that the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic can be considered both Russian puppet states as well as Russian protectorates.Show less
The annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took...Show moreThe annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took place after the so-called Ukrainian revolution, remains of significant interest to researchers who seek to understand why Russia undertook such an action. Such research is partially hindered by a lack of open access to documents and other sources related to the annexation. In that regard, this thesis is not exactly novel. It too seeks to understand why Russia annexed Crimea. In order to realize that goal, this research utilizes a methodology originating from the field of strategic culture analysis (SCA). This methodology, as originally formulated by Edward Lock, suggests that the researcher maps common ideas regarding strategic culture which can be derived from sources such as public statements, interviews and speeches. Following analysis, the researcher is then able to formulate how these common ideas might influence strategic behavior. Utilizing this approach results in findings which suggest that Russia’s annexation of Crimea was an opportunistic act, driven by external factors such as Russia’s distrust for the West and its fear for NATO, as well as its desire to hold a firm grip on Sevastopol’s naval base.Show less
The literature on EU enlargement has already explored its effectiveness, whether it remains a popular policy among the Member States, and if Balkan political elites and their populations still...Show moreThe literature on EU enlargement has already explored its effectiveness, whether it remains a popular policy among the Member States, and if Balkan political elites and their populations still prioritise EU membership. Insights have been offered into the current discord between, and conflicting interests of, the EU and its Member States, and whether the EU in its current state can offer the incentives necessary for Europeanisation to progress in a region with simmering nationalist and ethnic tensions. However, little effort has been expended on exploring whether and how EU policy towards the Western Balkans has been affected by increasingly assertive Russian foreign policy. To answer this, I will examine the accession process from the annexation of Crimea in 2014 until 2018, a year which saw two major European summits dedicated to the region. The exploration of whether Russia is considered a threat to the EU's ambitions in the region and how the EU has chosen to respond will result in a greater understanding of the Union's capacities and limits as an international actor.Show less
Nur-Sultan, first named Akmola and then Astana, is a planned capital, like Brasília in Brazil, New Delhi in India and Canberra in Australia. This kind of capital has been purposively build in a...Show moreNur-Sultan, first named Akmola and then Astana, is a planned capital, like Brasília in Brazil, New Delhi in India and Canberra in Australia. This kind of capital has been purposively build in a specific location, mostly due to a better climate or due to an overpopulated area. However, in the case of Astana, the capital was relocated for different and rather undemocratic reasons, as this study finds: to suit the changes of an authoritarian regime in a new independent country. This study offers an explanation for how Kazakhstan’s capital relocation in 1997 has been legitimised by the country’s former president Nursultan Nazarbayev. This is done through a qualitative content analysis of Nazarbayev’s public speeches from 1991 to 2017 as research material, wherein he discusses the capital relocation and its significance. It is found that the new capital is meant to be the showpiece of Kazakh culture and identity; and a symbol of economic prosperity and the regime’s geopolitical vision. In addition, it should become the centre of Central Asia, and also Eurasia, which is in line with the country’s legitimation strategy of i.e. playing the leading role in the Eurasian region.Show less
Unrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR...Show moreUnrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR presents itself with their 'state' media, published on-line in Russian and English. This thesis analyzes the media with the help of Analyzing the articles published, it becomes clear the legitimation strategies of the DNR focus on highlighting the differences between the DNR, which is portrayed as the victim, and Ukraine, which is portrayed as the agressor. The strategy is based more on discrediting Ukraine than promoting the DNR. Such a strategy may be relatively successful, given that local attitudes are relatively anti-Ukrainian due regular shelling and the predominance of Russian news media in the region. The English language articles follow the same line. However, these articles do not reach a wide audience and the effect on international legitimacy is negligible.Show less
This thesis examines the extent to which civil society in Russia engages in formal decision-making processes by analyzing the case of the development of the Zenit Arena in Saint Petersburg....Show moreThis thesis examines the extent to which civil society in Russia engages in formal decision-making processes by analyzing the case of the development of the Zenit Arena in Saint Petersburg. Throughout the thesis, an understanding of public interest in participating in governance processes, as well as the attitude of the authorities towards including civil society actors, has been obtained.Show less
Since the start of the war in Ukraine 3 years ago, much has changed in the country. In 2014, many wrote about misinformation in the Ukrainian news, but since then scholars have focussed mostly on...Show moreSince the start of the war in Ukraine 3 years ago, much has changed in the country. In 2014, many wrote about misinformation in the Ukrainian news, but since then scholars have focussed mostly on Russian propaganda regarding the war. This thesis presents a case study on misinformation in the Ukrainian news and debates what the forms of misinformation found can tell us about the media landscape and the overall situation in Ukraine. It concludes that Ukraine clearly is a new democracy in which grave forms of misinformation such as propaganda are not found, although the news does show one-sidedness in its reporting on the war.Show less
This thesis explores the compounded effect of the three biggest changes in the the current global energy system on the Russian gas export market and strategy. The three changes identified are the...Show moreThis thesis explores the compounded effect of the three biggest changes in the the current global energy system on the Russian gas export market and strategy. The three changes identified are the globalization of the gas market, the rise of renewable energy sources and lower oil prices for longer. We argue that in light of these changes, the current strategy behind Russia's gas exports is no longer sustainable in terms of maintaining its position as a dominant player in the global gas market. However, if Russia were to alter its strategy, its market might yet benefit from the new status quo and ensure its dominant position for a long time to come.Show less
In this thesis John Mearsheimer's claim about the reliance of Western elites on liberal principles (such as the rule of law, economic interdependence, and democracy) to justify NATO enlargement has...Show moreIn this thesis John Mearsheimer's claim about the reliance of Western elites on liberal principles (such as the rule of law, economic interdependence, and democracy) to justify NATO enlargement has been examined in order to gain more insight into the annexation of Crimea and the wider Ukraine crisis.Show less
This thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a...Show moreThis thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a qualitative and quantitative content analysis of each president's key speeches, this study finds that both presidents emphasise national-historical arguments when addressing a domestic audience and normative arguments when addressing an international audience, but that both presidents weave the two types of arguments together to create an overall narrative. When compared against each other, this study also finds that Putin uses the most national-historical arguments while Poroshenko uses the most normative arguments. Several conclusions are drawn from these findings, including that the plethora of possible legitimation strategies make positions in a conflict relatively easy to justify, that the Crimea conflict is likely to be intractable, and that more research should be conducted on legitimation strategies in territorial disputes.Show less
