The annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took...Show moreThe annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took place after the so-called Ukrainian revolution, remains of significant interest to researchers who seek to understand why Russia undertook such an action. Such research is partially hindered by a lack of open access to documents and other sources related to the annexation. In that regard, this thesis is not exactly novel. It too seeks to understand why Russia annexed Crimea. In order to realize that goal, this research utilizes a methodology originating from the field of strategic culture analysis (SCA). This methodology, as originally formulated by Edward Lock, suggests that the researcher maps common ideas regarding strategic culture which can be derived from sources such as public statements, interviews and speeches. Following analysis, the researcher is then able to formulate how these common ideas might influence strategic behavior. Utilizing this approach results in findings which suggest that Russia’s annexation of Crimea was an opportunistic act, driven by external factors such as Russia’s distrust for the West and its fear for NATO, as well as its desire to hold a firm grip on Sevastopol’s naval base.Show less
The literature on EU enlargement has already explored its effectiveness, whether it remains a popular policy among the Member States, and if Balkan political elites and their populations still...Show moreThe literature on EU enlargement has already explored its effectiveness, whether it remains a popular policy among the Member States, and if Balkan political elites and their populations still prioritise EU membership. Insights have been offered into the current discord between, and conflicting interests of, the EU and its Member States, and whether the EU in its current state can offer the incentives necessary for Europeanisation to progress in a region with simmering nationalist and ethnic tensions. However, little effort has been expended on exploring whether and how EU policy towards the Western Balkans has been affected by increasingly assertive Russian foreign policy. To answer this, I will examine the accession process from the annexation of Crimea in 2014 until 2018, a year which saw two major European summits dedicated to the region. The exploration of whether Russia is considered a threat to the EU's ambitions in the region and how the EU has chosen to respond will result in a greater understanding of the Union's capacities and limits as an international actor.Show less
Nur-Sultan, first named Akmola and then Astana, is a planned capital, like Brasília in Brazil, New Delhi in India and Canberra in Australia. This kind of capital has been purposively build in a...Show moreNur-Sultan, first named Akmola and then Astana, is a planned capital, like Brasília in Brazil, New Delhi in India and Canberra in Australia. This kind of capital has been purposively build in a specific location, mostly due to a better climate or due to an overpopulated area. However, in the case of Astana, the capital was relocated for different and rather undemocratic reasons, as this study finds: to suit the changes of an authoritarian regime in a new independent country. This study offers an explanation for how Kazakhstan’s capital relocation in 1997 has been legitimised by the country’s former president Nursultan Nazarbayev. This is done through a qualitative content analysis of Nazarbayev’s public speeches from 1991 to 2017 as research material, wherein he discusses the capital relocation and its significance. It is found that the new capital is meant to be the showpiece of Kazakh culture and identity; and a symbol of economic prosperity and the regime’s geopolitical vision. In addition, it should become the centre of Central Asia, and also Eurasia, which is in line with the country’s legitimation strategy of i.e. playing the leading role in the Eurasian region.Show less
The Russian counterinsurgency campaign in Chechnya from late 1999 has been typical for the authoritarian model of counterinsurgency and demonstrates the authoritarian inclinations and mindset of...Show moreThe Russian counterinsurgency campaign in Chechnya from late 1999 has been typical for the authoritarian model of counterinsurgency and demonstrates the authoritarian inclinations and mindset of the Putin regime. Instead of increasing government legitimacy, winning the Chechen population's 'hearts and minds' and in this way realising a durable solution to the Chechen conflict, the Putin administration relied mainly on at first mostly indiscriminate and later more selective violence and repression, for which it relied on an indigenous counterinsurgency force under the command of the Kadyrovs, in order to coerce the Chechens in compliance. At the same time, the Putin administration placed a lot of effort in preventing the national will to continue fighting in Chechnya from eroding by making the Chechen conflict invisible, creating the impression of normalisation and reducing Russian casualties. To this end, the Kremlin tried to reduce the freedom of the press and bring the media and civil society, which it viewed as a threat to its war effort, under its control, while at the same time it increasingly came to rely on its Chechen proxies, who in the mid-2000s took over the brunt of the counterinsurgency operations from the Russian military. Thus, although the Putin regime in the early 2000s was still regarded as a 'hybrid' or 'transitional' regime, the Russian counterinsurgency campaign in Chechnya from late 1999 demonstrates that Putin and the members of his inner circle from the start viewed democracy, free media and a strong and vibrant civil society as threats to their ability to govern, their war effort in Chechnya and their own positions.Show less
Unrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR...Show moreUnrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR presents itself with their 'state' media, published on-line in Russian and English. This thesis analyzes the media with the help of Analyzing the articles published, it becomes clear the legitimation strategies of the DNR focus on highlighting the differences between the DNR, which is portrayed as the victim, and Ukraine, which is portrayed as the agressor. The strategy is based more on discrediting Ukraine than promoting the DNR. Such a strategy may be relatively successful, given that local attitudes are relatively anti-Ukrainian due regular shelling and the predominance of Russian news media in the region. The English language articles follow the same line. However, these articles do not reach a wide audience and the effect on international legitimacy is negligible.Show less
This thesis examines the extent to which civil society in Russia engages in formal decision-making processes by analyzing the case of the development of the Zenit Arena in Saint Petersburg....Show moreThis thesis examines the extent to which civil society in Russia engages in formal decision-making processes by analyzing the case of the development of the Zenit Arena in Saint Petersburg. Throughout the thesis, an understanding of public interest in participating in governance processes, as well as the attitude of the authorities towards including civil society actors, has been obtained.Show less
This thesis attempts to explain why the North-Caucasian Republic of Adygea does not suffer from jihadist insurgency and terrorism. Several factors (religion, security policy, religious policy, and...Show moreThis thesis attempts to explain why the North-Caucasian Republic of Adygea does not suffer from jihadist insurgency and terrorism. Several factors (religion, security policy, religious policy, and local identity and ideology) are examined to answer this question.Show less
This thesis deals with the role of Vkontakte in the narrative creation around the referendum of Crimea, March 2014. Through a detailed study of political and non-political VK content of the 6-week...Show moreThis thesis deals with the role of Vkontakte in the narrative creation around the referendum of Crimea, March 2014. Through a detailed study of political and non-political VK content of the 6-week period around the referendum, the thesis discusses the themes, methods of information campaigning, as well as the government's involvement in the discourse formation.Show less
Since the start of the war in Ukraine 3 years ago, much has changed in the country. In 2014, many wrote about misinformation in the Ukrainian news, but since then scholars have focussed mostly on...Show moreSince the start of the war in Ukraine 3 years ago, much has changed in the country. In 2014, many wrote about misinformation in the Ukrainian news, but since then scholars have focussed mostly on Russian propaganda regarding the war. This thesis presents a case study on misinformation in the Ukrainian news and debates what the forms of misinformation found can tell us about the media landscape and the overall situation in Ukraine. It concludes that Ukraine clearly is a new democracy in which grave forms of misinformation such as propaganda are not found, although the news does show one-sidedness in its reporting on the war.Show less
This thesis explores the compounded effect of the three biggest changes in the the current global energy system on the Russian gas export market and strategy. The three changes identified are the...Show moreThis thesis explores the compounded effect of the three biggest changes in the the current global energy system on the Russian gas export market and strategy. The three changes identified are the globalization of the gas market, the rise of renewable energy sources and lower oil prices for longer. We argue that in light of these changes, the current strategy behind Russia's gas exports is no longer sustainable in terms of maintaining its position as a dominant player in the global gas market. However, if Russia were to alter its strategy, its market might yet benefit from the new status quo and ensure its dominant position for a long time to come.Show less
Dit onderzoek schetst op basis van wetenschappelijke literatuur, populaire literatuur en een case study hoe RT en Spoetnik desinformatie gebruiken. Uit een analyse van de literatuur blijkt dat...Show moreDit onderzoek schetst op basis van wetenschappelijke literatuur, populaire literatuur en een case study hoe RT en Spoetnik desinformatie gebruiken. Uit een analyse van de literatuur blijkt dat Russische desinformatie een tamelijk recent verschijnsel is, dat verschilt van ouderwetse propaganda en het Sovjetfenomeen dezinformatsia. Waar ouderwetse propaganda tot doel had de ontvanger tot actie aan te zetten, lijkt desinformatie vooral bedoeld om de ontvanger te verwarren en in een passieve staat te brengen. Naast een grote hoeveelheid (tegenstrijdige) berichten komt uit de populaire literatuur nog een aantal elementen van desinformatie naar voren, namelijk samenzweringstheorieën, whataboutism, (geladen) taalgebruik, en journalistieke balans. Aan de hand van deze kenmerken is de case – de verslaggeving over MH17 door RT en Spoetnik – bestudeerd. De analyse laat zien dat er in de case sprake is van desinformatie, en dat de voornoemde elementen in meer of mindere mate gebruikt zijn in de verslaggeving.Show less
