De afgelopen jaren is veelvuldig onderzoek gedaan naar het almaar lagere opkomstpercentage van kiezers bij verkiezingen voor het Europees Parlement. Hier is tot dusver nog geen bevredigende...Show moreDe afgelopen jaren is veelvuldig onderzoek gedaan naar het almaar lagere opkomstpercentage van kiezers bij verkiezingen voor het Europees Parlement. Hier is tot dusver nog geen bevredigende verklaring uit voortgekomen (Schleicher 2011). Onderzoek van Kanne (2011) geeft aanwijzingen dat het vertrouwen van burgers in de politiek kan dalen door misverstanden over de inhoud van partijprogramma's. Dit dalende vertrouwen zou een reden kunnen vormen voor de lage opkomst bij Europese verkiezingen. Deze veronderstelling wordt in dit onderzoek verder onderzocht. Hierbij wordt getracht een onafhankelijke variabele, de stemintentie voor de aankomende Europese verkiezingen van 2014, te voorspellen uit een aantal onafhankelijke variabelen, te weten leeftijd, geslacht, partijvoorkeur en correlaties van wat kiezers aangeven belangrijk te vinden en wat in partijprogramma’s belangrijk gevonden wordt. Van deze variabelen vormt de laatste variabele, die zich richt op de veronderstelling van Kanne, de focus van het onderzoek. Gekeken wordt of de mate waarin er misverstanden zijn over het belang van onderwerpen een voorspeller is van de stemintentie bij de Europese parlementsverkiezingen. Om hier uitspraken over te kunnen doen zal gebruik worden gemaakt van een enquête onder een subpopulatie van kiezers (namelijk studenten aan de Faculteit Sociale Wetenschappen van de Universiteit Leiden) en een inhoudsanalyse van partijprogramma's voor de Europese verkiezingen van 2014. Deze gegevens worden geanalyseerd aan de hand van het opstellen van een rangordecorrelatiecoëfficiënt en het uitvoeren van multipele regressieanalyse.Show less
Een studie naar de motieven van Populistisch Radicaal-Rechtse Partijen in Europa in hun symphatie voor / steun aan Poetin ten tijde van het Oekraine-conflict anno april, mei 2014
In aanloop naar de verkiezingen van 2014 voor het Europees Parlement heeft de PVV aangegeven plaats te willen nemen in een eurosceptische fractie. De partijen die zich bij deze fractie zullen gaan...Show moreIn aanloop naar de verkiezingen van 2014 voor het Europees Parlement heeft de PVV aangegeven plaats te willen nemen in een eurosceptische fractie. De partijen die zich bij deze fractie zullen gaan aansluiten zijn met name partijen die in het verleden, of nog steeds, extreemrechtse standpunten uiten. Dit was tijdens de Europese Parlementsverkiezingen in 2009 voor de PVV een reden om niet met hen te gaan samenwerken. In deze studie is onderzocht of de PVV zich tijdens de campagneperiode voor de Europese Parlementsverkiezingen van 2014 zich meer rechtsextremistisch uit dan in diezelfde periode in 2009. Hieruit blijkt dat de PVV de meeste rechtsextremistische gedachten (nationalisme, etnocentrisme, racisme, xenofobie, autoritarisme en antidemocratische houding) heeft versterkt of uitgebreid.Show less
This paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided...Show moreThis paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided ideologically, the European Parliament. The modified power indices tend to reduce the voting power of party groups in extreme ideological positions, to the benefit of the median party group.Show less
This study aim at providing an answer to the core research question “What is the role of Twitter in the conduct of public diplomacy in The Netherlands?” On the basis of qualitative interviews with...Show moreThis study aim at providing an answer to the core research question “What is the role of Twitter in the conduct of public diplomacy in The Netherlands?” On the basis of qualitative interviews with foreign diplomats and experts on public diplomacy in The Netherlands, it was discovered that they use Twitter as a tool for providing the local communities with information about the advocated countries and their foreign policies. The foreign officials also employ Twitter to address certain members of the Dutch general public, attract their attention to specific topics and engage in discussions with them to enhance their perceptions of the represented states. The conducted content analysis of the Tweets posted by diplomats from the Embassy of Ecuador, the Embassy of Poland, the Embassy of Sweden, and the Embassy of the USA to the Netherlands also demonstrated that they post direct Tweets and personal messages concerning important topics to engage with the foreign publics. However, it is also found that only a small number of them use the language of the local community members, namely Dutch, to disseminate information about their foreign policies. Some of the interviewees explained that they translate only content that is relevant to the Dutch audiences in Dutch. Nevertheless, to engage in more debates with the local communities and enhance their understanding and image of the represented countries, it is recommended that foreign diplomats should provide all messages on Twitter in the language of the host state. Thus, they can use it as an effective tool for accomplishing their public diplomacy goals.Show less
Trust in political parties is declining and with it the relevance of parties, or so the de-alignment hypothesis claims. Using data from recent World Values Surveys, this paper provides evidence...Show moreTrust in political parties is declining and with it the relevance of parties, or so the de-alignment hypothesis claims. Using data from recent World Values Surveys, this paper provides evidence that the assumption is rather problematic. Longitudinal data shows that confidence is neither increasing nor declining but languishing at high levels. Additionally, cross-sectional data from the 2005-2008 WVS was analyzed using statistical tests at the individual and country level. The results demonstrate that one important factor increasing distrust is electoral disproportionality. Regime durability, interpersonal trust, and perceived democraticness reduce such sentiments. Corruption perception notably has no effect on individual respondents but decreases distrust on the national level. The results pose the question whether distrust is a reason for concern or just a phenomenon natural to representative democracy.Show less
This thesis compares the use of frames in newspaper articles and parliamentary documents with regard to privacy related events. The objectives are to clarify framing dynamics between Dutch media...Show moreThis thesis compares the use of frames in newspaper articles and parliamentary documents with regard to privacy related events. The objectives are to clarify framing dynamics between Dutch media and parliament, as well as to answer privacy-issue specific questions with regard to framing. Based on two major events demarcating the research period – i.e., the 2001 World Trade Center attacks and Edward Snowden’s NSA revelations mid 2013 – it is hypothesized that the way state authorities are framed changes over time from ensuring security towards violating privacy. Furthermore it is hypothesized that changes in privacy frames correspond between similar events and differ between distinct clusters of events. Finally, the ‘who-follows-who question’ is treated by means of a ‘lead/lag’ model that compares framing overlap between newspaper articles and parliamentary documents. The data used to achieve both objectives are acquired by coding two Dutch national newspapers (Telegraaf and Volkskrant) and written questions from Dutch parliament for the period between January 1999 and March 2014. Researching this particular period enables to assess the expected dynamics between both arenas between above mentioned landslide events. The data suggest that the expected changes in the way state authorities are frames is absent. The ‘lead/lag model suggests that on average media are leading parliament with regard to framing privacy related events. The data furthermore suggests no over-time shift in influence from one arena to the other. Unfortunately, the lead/lag model, as well as the long-term frame dynamics, provides only rough indicators for answering the research questions and assessing the set hypotheses. Therefore, the provided insights are only tentative and ask for further research, so as to deepen understanding about privacy frames and framing dynamics between media and parliament even further.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to examine the consequences of the economic crisis on the voting behavior of Greek citizens. The study seeks to discover the degree of influence of the economic issue on...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to examine the consequences of the economic crisis on the voting behavior of Greek citizens. The study seeks to discover the degree of influence of the economic issue on vote choice and provides an answer to the question of whether decreased support for the two traditional incumbent parties and increased support for the opposition parties can be attributed to the deterioration of the national economy. The analysis demonstrates that electoral volatility cannot be explained by the economic factor in the Greek case. The results suggest that partisan loyalties, which have affected political decisions in Greece historically, continue to have a strong impact in recent times. Greek voters seem to be highly influenced by long-term components, even in the context of the current economic recession.Show less
The main goal of this thesis is is to look for an answer to the question ”what motivates citizens to engage in politics using Facebook”. The thesis will discuss which benefits citizens are getting...Show moreThe main goal of this thesis is is to look for an answer to the question ”what motivates citizens to engage in politics using Facebook”. The thesis will discuss which benefits citizens are getting when they opt to political participation over social network sites, specifically Facebook. In order to answer this question so a survey was conducted, which examined the relationship between political participation on Facebook and three topics factors. The first was resources for political participation that citizens use or need to sacrifice if they want to engage with politics. The second was the sense of internal and external political efficacy, with which citizen estimate their ability to understand and discuss politics, along with the openesss of the political system for new idea. The third and last one was, self presentation of political impressions, how individuals presesnt their political identity to their peers. The survey found that Facebook does not overwhelmingly reduce costs of participation, and that citizens who engage in politics on Facebook would not necessarily assume that their activities would bring change in policy. However, citizens who do carry on political participation on Facebook may expect a high sense of internal political efficacy and would use Facebook not so much for changing government policy, but as a mobilizing tool, and as a stage for one’s display of an idealized political impression.Show less
This master thesis looks at the impact of participation in Social Networking Sites (SNSs) by voters on their voting decisions during the Dutch parliamentary elections in 2012. Both the use and...Show moreThis master thesis looks at the impact of participation in Social Networking Sites (SNSs) by voters on their voting decisions during the Dutch parliamentary elections in 2012. Both the use and activity on SNSs are compared with the decision to participate in the elections and the moment a voter had decided for a party and person. The quantative analysis of a survey among train travelers and SNS users showed interesting results, but could not support the hypotheses that increased use relates to increased electoral participation. On the other hand, SNS use showed a strong significant positive correlation with the delayed choice for a party and person. SNS activity showed a strong significant positive correlation with a delayed choice for a person only. But, in the presence of stronger influences with multiple control variables the significance of the correlation disappeared, while the coefficient still remained positive. Other political communication variables like traditional media and face-to-face discussions did not show significant relationships with delayed decisions. Some of these results are interesting because they suggest that the use of SNSs has a certain impact on the decision making process of citizens during elections. A more extensive research may reveil the impact on a wider scale and must focus on specific causes of the impact, like content and specific political communication.Show less
The main aim of this research was to investigate if satirical impersonations on television influence viewers’ evaluations of the impersonated politician. The research studied the influence on...Show moreThe main aim of this research was to investigate if satirical impersonations on television influence viewers’ evaluations of the impersonated politician. The research studied the influence on overall evaluations and on the evaluations of ten traits (leadership, knowledgeable, intelligent, cares, inspiring, honest, trustworthy, compassionate, arrogant, and moral). A possible moderating effect of political knowledge was studied as well. An experiment was conducted at a high school in the Netherlands using four experimental groups. Three satirical clips of an impersonation of the Dutch Prime-Minister Mark Rutte were used as stimulus material and a clip of the real Mark Rutte was used as control material. Although there was little significant evidence, the evidence did support the expectation that exposure to a satirical impersonation results in lower overall and trait evaluations of Mark Rutte. Like previous research, this research did find trait dimensions as well: integrity and competence. Exposure to a satirical impersonation significantly influenced the ratings of these dimensions. The research did not find a moderating effect of political knowledge.Show less
In recent years, there have been a number of journalistic accounts of an increase in the demonization of the working class in Britain, with people who claim state benefit payments apparently...Show moreIn recent years, there have been a number of journalistic accounts of an increase in the demonization of the working class in Britain, with people who claim state benefit payments apparently bearing the brunt of this media assault. This study aims to look into the effects that negative portrayals of those receiving government payments has on attitudes to government welfare policy. The theoretical framework for this piece is based on framing, specifically thematic, equivalency frames. In order to investigate this, an experiment was employed in which a sample of undergraduate students were presented with one of five versions of an article followed by a survey regarding welfare policy. This allowed a comparison between the answers given by participants that received different versions of the article. The results of this study are largely inconclusive, suggesting that framing effects are not present in a manipulation so subtle.Show less
In order to investigate the influence of voice pitch and facial dominance on voting behaviour and leadership perceptions, an experiment including 180 Dutch adults was conducted containing a 2*3...Show moreIn order to investigate the influence of voice pitch and facial dominance on voting behaviour and leadership perceptions, an experiment including 180 Dutch adults was conducted containing a 2*3 factorial design. The participants were exposed to a normal and manipulated picture of Jan-peter Balkenende, the former Dutch prime-minister. Respondents were also exposed to a manipulated version of his voice in which the voice pitch had been lowered by 20 herz. The respondents seemed unaware of the picture and voice pitch manipulations as the respondents exposed to the manipulations noted to be just as familiar with the person displayed on the picture as respondents in the control group. However, the manipulations did not have the effect that was expected based on previous studies, the experiment largely showed the subtle nature of these effects on leadership perceptions and voting behaviour. The findings in this study indicate the limited influence of voice pitch and facial dominance on voting behaviour and perceptions of a well known leader's dominance, honesty and power.Show less
Internet use by voters and representatives in the United Kingdom is thought to provide a number of democratic benefits such as increased participation, heightened political deliberation and reduced...Show moreInternet use by voters and representatives in the United Kingdom is thought to provide a number of democratic benefits such as increased participation, heightened political deliberation and reduced distance between the political elite and mass. Furthermore, the use of online technologies allows British citizens to communicate faster, easier and more conveniently than ever before with, with social networking sites allowing real-time interaction overcoming geographical and time constraints. There is limited research looking at the use of online communication by Member of Parliaments (MP) in their constituency role, which is surprising as the constituency responsibility of an MP has become of increasing importance in the last 50 years due social and political changes including heightened demands from citizens. Using an original field experiment, this thesis tests which method of communication is the most effective for constituents to use when contacting their local MP, with specific interest in their adoption and use of the social networking site Twitter. The research finds that the majority of MPs have a Twitter account; however theses Members tend to be young, on the left of the political spectrum and reside in marginal constituencies. Members do not appear to be using Twitter to correspond with constituents, although it is the fastest of the tools tested. Email had both the highest response rate and is most likely to provide the constituent with the information they requested, and is therefore the most effective medium for MP-constituent communication.Show less
Addressing a shortcoming in theories on the influence of emotion on political decision-making this thesis aims to explore the distinct effects of anger on voting behavior in the Netherlands. The...Show moreAddressing a shortcoming in theories on the influence of emotion on political decision-making this thesis aims to explore the distinct effects of anger on voting behavior in the Netherlands. The biological origin of emotion and its function in individuals and social interactions, specifically the influence on decision-making processes, are justification for including emotion in a model of vote choice. However, this inclusion should correspond with the biology and theoretical predictions of emotional effects. The most complete and authoritative model which includes emotion is the Theory of Affective Intelligence (AI). Because in the operationalization of anxiety fear and anger are combined, the theory is flawed in this respect. This is an important issue to address since it can have a significant impact on predictions from the model. Predictions that can be used to solve the ongoing debate on the personalization of Dutch politics by pointing to the different circumstances under which voters rely on different decision-making strategies. Using a a online survey to collect data, which included items on candidate traits, policy preferences and ideology, party attachments and background items, the hypotheses for the specific effects of anger were tested in a model based on logistic regression. The survey included a manipulation of the emotional state. Results show some distinct influences of anger and fear. Fear increases the relative weight candidate traits in a vote-choice, whereas anger increases the weight of ideological distance and policy preferences. Furthermore, party-attachments are weak and knowledge seems to have no effect.Show less
This study focused on the extent to which British political parties made pledges and policies for youth in their 2010 election manifestos to motivate them to vote and the extent to which these...Show moreThis study focused on the extent to which British political parties made pledges and policies for youth in their 2010 election manifestos to motivate them to vote and the extent to which these policies were subsequently reflected in the news to enable the youth to be informed of the policies that are relevant for them. Previous literature has argued that political parties are to blame for low youth voter turnout but these arguments were based on survey studies among young people and no research had been conducted on the actual policies parties make for youth. Content analysis was carried out on the election manifestos of the three biggest parties in the UK and news articles by three online news sources to determine the attention given to young people. The results showed that very few pledges were made specifically for young people in the manifestos but that news media did report about these pledges fairly often. It was concluded that the political parties offer young people very little motivation to vote, but also that the media does inform youth about the policies that are relevant for them. These results lend support to the claim in the literature that youth are often marginalised in policy discourse and youth voter abstention could, to some extent, be a result of the reluctance of political parties to sufficiently address youth issues.Show less
