The Eurozone crisis is an example of how democratic regimes can be threatened under emergencies, and it revealed two contributing phenomena – the state of exception and technocracy. This thesis...Show moreThe Eurozone crisis is an example of how democratic regimes can be threatened under emergencies, and it revealed two contributing phenomena – the state of exception and technocracy. This thesis aims to understand the link between the two in the context of emergency politics, through the paradox of politics. This paradox, which can be traced back to Rousseau, brings to light an aporia in democratic politics, where we need good citizens to make good laws and good laws to make good citizens. This thesis starts by analysing each phenomenon individually and the way they threaten democracy. It then interprets them through the paradox of politics as arrangements meant to resolve that paradox, but infringing upon the ideal of democracy it subscribes to (inspired by the analysis of political theorist Bonnie Honig). Finally, it analyses the link between them and the potentials for the democratization of emergency politics. The main conclusions are 1) in emergency politics, technocracy and exception display a link of mutual reinforcement that infringes upon democratic politics (empirically and conceptually), and 2) the democratization of emergency politics requires not only a deexceptionalization of emergency (as suggested by Honig), but also a process of detechnocratization of democracy.Show less
This thesis is an investigation into the ontological basis of pessimism. I develop a Nietzschean interpretive framework of pessimism, based on a distinction Nietzsche makes between two types of...Show moreThis thesis is an investigation into the ontological basis of pessimism. I develop a Nietzschean interpretive framework of pessimism, based on a distinction Nietzsche makes between two types of pessimism in The Gay Science 370: romantic and Dionysian pessimism. According to Nietzsche, this distinction is based on a dynamic articulated using the language of physiology. This dynamic is either expanding or degenerating. The thesis relates this distinction to Schopenhauer's and Nietzsche's notions of a 'world of appearance' to test if their ontology testifies to a romantic or Dionysian pessimism. Their ontologies are interpreted as either a transfiguration of romantic or Dionysian pessimism. I then develop a reading of Schopenhauer’s pessimistic philosophy. I argue that Schopenhauer’s notion of representation or appearance is central to his metaphysics. I then interpret his punctum pruriens of philosophy as a priori pessimism permeating the whole of Schopenhauer’s philosophy resulting in an ethics of renunciation. I then lay out Nietzsche’s critique of Schopenhauer in the Genealogy, based on the aforementioned physiological dynamic. In the last chapter, I investigate Nietzsche’s world of appearance, characterized as semblance or ‘Schein’. I relate this to Nietzsche’s aesthetics and art as a transfiguration of Dionysian pessimism. However, the question is whether Nietzsche’s philosophy itself is the transfiguration of Dionysian pessimism. I then explain how Nietzsche does this by means of a project of life affirmation through the notions of perspectivism and the will to power.Show less
How does the notion of the common good in Machiavelli's Prince and Discourses compare to the common good of classical political philosophy? It would seem that Machiavelli, as the harbinger of...Show moreHow does the notion of the common good in Machiavelli's Prince and Discourses compare to the common good of classical political philosophy? It would seem that Machiavelli, as the harbinger of modernity and amoral political 'machiavellianism', can leave no room for the common good in his thought. However, a close examination of The Prince and the Discourses on Livy will reveal that the common good is allotted an ambiguous place in Machiavelli's thinking. The author concludes that, whereas Machiavelli's Prince is a truly amoral work devoid of consideration for the common good, the Discourses on Livy show a unique mixture between 'machiavellian' themes and classical ideas about liberty, the mixed regime, and statesmanship in the common interest.Show less
Kaput is about escaping hegemonical structures. Yet, I claim that these structures perpetuate themselves through escape, the harder we run the more rigid these structures get. So the question...Show moreKaput is about escaping hegemonical structures. Yet, I claim that these structures perpetuate themselves through escape, the harder we run the more rigid these structures get. So the question becomes, what can we do to get rid of these structures without resorting to fleeing from them?Show less
Academic studies of nonduality tend to focus on the phenomenology of what is called “nondual experience” or “nondual awareness” that is universal to a wide range of diverse spiritual traditions...Show moreAcademic studies of nonduality tend to focus on the phenomenology of what is called “nondual experience” or “nondual awareness” that is universal to a wide range of diverse spiritual traditions such as Mahāyāna Buddhism, Advaita Vedānta, Daoism, as well as Christianity and Sufism among others. A popular way of approaching nonduality from a philosophical perspective is to assume or argue that these contradictory metaphysical systems are grounded in the same or similar phenomenological experience, which is then taken as a basis for the resolution of ontological differences between these diverse systems to arrive at a conclusion proclaiming a single absolute truth or reality revealed by all of them. This work challenges such an understanding of nonduality by engaging with an influential study in the field of intercultural comparative philosophy authored by David Loy and showing how this type of interpretation leads to epistemologically dualistic consequences, which render it untenable. What follows is a presentation of an alternative way of approaching nonduality based on the Tibetan Buddhist tradition of Dzogchen. By tracing its origins in the Indian Mahāyāna Buddhist thought, this work presents how two fundamental kinds of nonduality are understood in Dzogchen: the relative-ultimate nonduality, based on Madhyamaka, and the subject-object nonduality, based on Yogācāra. The conclusion this study aims to establish is that the most philosophically cogent presentation of nonduality is one where the negations of duality are understood to be nonimplicative, revealing the inseparable identity of any two poles under consideration. Nonduality as inseparability means that neither of the given two poles is reducible to the other, as a negation of duality is not seen to imply a unified or singular absolute reality.Show less
In recent years, Automated Influence, understood as “the use of artificial intelligence to collect, integrate and analyse people’s data, and to deliver targeted interventions based on this analysis...Show moreIn recent years, Automated Influence, understood as “the use of artificial intelligence to collect, integrate and analyse people’s data, and to deliver targeted interventions based on this analysis, intended to shape their behaviour” (familiarly referred to as ‘algorithms’) has stirred up many debates among the public, as well as within academia (Benn & Lazar 2022, 127). While much of the discussion has focused primarily on issues of privacy in the light of Big Data, this thesis seeks to analyze how Automated Influence impacts the deliberative, discursive, and fundamentally social space on which society depends on, in particular for collective decision-making/politics. I argue that Automated Influence deployed on social media platforms violates people’s fundamental interest in social agency, which is defined as the ability of a person to act and reflect on her own motives all the while taking part in the fundamentally social process of forming, defending, and adapting the reasons according to which she acts. Moreover, it undermines people’s autonomy and social trust, which both serve as preconditions for their exercise social agency. After reviewing contemporary EU regulation seeking to address some of the problematic aspects related to Automated Influence, I explain why there cannot be a purely top-down approach to mitigating the harms emanating from Automated Influence, which results in my conclusion that only through educating people about its potential harms could mitigate the problem in the long run.Show less
It is my contention that we – in our time – do have an answer to the question: hidden at the very core of the web of different perspectives, lies the central insight that – in my words – death...Show moreIt is my contention that we – in our time – do have an answer to the question: hidden at the very core of the web of different perspectives, lies the central insight that – in my words – death reveals the meaning of existence. This is the thesis I will put forth over the course of this investigation, based on a discussion of three major perspectives on the relation between death and meaning. The thesis is centered around the verb revealing, interpreted in three different ways, allowing me to synthesize the different perspectives into one central claim whilst respecting their differences. The claim that death reveals the meaning of existence comes down to the attempt to think the paradox of death. As such, my main objective is to show that death must be thought in its ambiguity. Death’s ambiguity will turn out to be the common ground underlying all perspectives I will discuss; it is the space where death is revealed in its relation to the meaning of existence. As such, the claim that death reveals the meaning of existence will itself prove to be an equivocal statement.Show less
Post-foundational political thought, based on the recognition of necessary contingency of all political arrangements has been widely employed as both an analytical tool as well as a vehicle for...Show morePost-foundational political thought, based on the recognition of necessary contingency of all political arrangements has been widely employed as both an analytical tool as well as a vehicle for critique in light of several diagnoses of the abysmal future of contemporary democracies. Nonetheless, there is reason to belief that the efficacy of post-foundationalism is compromised through a deficit in the articulation of normative critique, and in the actualisation and operationalisation of critique revealing the contingency of the political, i.e., ethico-political critique. This thesis sets out to fulfil two endeavours: first, identify the possibility of articulating ethico-political critique within a paradigm of post-foundationalism through relational practices in social ontology, and second, apply this paradigm as an analytical tool onto one of the most prominent diagnoses of contemporary democracy’s decline, Wendy Brown’s account of neoliberal de-democratisation. Through this, this thesis argues that the site of ethico-political critique in post-foundationalism may be found in relational resistance practices within the ontic dimension of the social which reveal the contingency of both ontic and ontological arrangements in both the social and the political. Thus, such practices could serve as a first step in articulating a scheme of critique against neoliberal de-democratisation which, according to Brown, currently fails due to the absence of alternative world-views.Show less
This master’s thesis investigates the overlapping democratic concerns underlying diverse paradigms of participation proposed for the contemporary digital public sphere. I present conceptual...Show moreThis master’s thesis investigates the overlapping democratic concerns underlying diverse paradigms of participation proposed for the contemporary digital public sphere. I present conceptual frameworks in Chapters Two and Three to frame the contested problem of political polarization in the digital public sphere. The research highlights the persistent challenge in framing the problem of political polarization, which necessitates a philosophical reconciliation of competing democratic accounts. In my review, I imply a priority for discursive principles for the digital age. Defending the deliberative-republican analysis of the digital public sphere, I identify specific democratic principles at-risk: epistemic equality, inclusivity, media pluralism, mediated exchange, relational equality, competent participation, and civic solidarity. Chapters four and five contain examples to support my core argument, centred on using deliberative processes to counter algorithmic misinformation. I propose three deliberative solutions to enhance formal accountability of social media platforms. At the core of my argument lies the imperative to cultivate a participatory digital culture aligned with citizens' epistemic interests in accuracy and truth, requiring commitment from both governments and citizens. In light of these considerations, I analyse the potential of citizen juries, deliberative polling, and voting advice applications as mechanisms to debunk misinformation and mitigate amplification risks intrinsic to the digital public sphere. In Chapter Four, I additionally outline three plausible challenges to the empirical assumptions I adopt. While the extent of echo-chambers is debated in various democratic perspectives, I argue that prioritizing improved quality of deliberation is essential. This is particularly important due to the increased susceptibility of some citizens to fake news on social media platforms, largely stemming from intergenerational digital media illiteracy. I maintain that addressing algorithmic misinformation through wider deliberation enhances citizens' knowledge and reduces their isolation. In concluding Chapter Five, I highlight the connection between democratic accountability, the formal authorization of social media platforms, and the ongoing discussions surrounding digital power. I align with the republican viewpoint that emphasizes involving citizens in processes of authorization and accountability. Furthermore, I outline potential directions for deeper exploration and discuss the broader impacts of my specific proposals aimed at enhancing the digital competence of citizens. Key-thinkers: Elizabeth Anderson, James Fishkin, Jürgen Habermas, and Cass SunsteinShow less
