This Thesis is a defense for Compulsory Voting. I the light of reasonable pluralism, societies need a moral compromise. In order to faccilitate the forming of a moral compromise widespread...Show moreThis Thesis is a defense for Compulsory Voting. I the light of reasonable pluralism, societies need a moral compromise. In order to faccilitate the forming of a moral compromise widespread political participation is necessary. Compulsory voting faccilitates participation and is thus justifiable.Show less
In dit onderzoek wordt gekeken in welke mate de benaderingen die Carothers (2009) noemt ten aanzien van democratiehulp terug te vinden zijn in het beleid van de VS en de EU in Indonesië tussen 2000...Show moreIn dit onderzoek wordt gekeken in welke mate de benaderingen die Carothers (2009) noemt ten aanzien van democratiehulp terug te vinden zijn in het beleid van de VS en de EU in Indonesië tussen 2000-2008. Daarnaast wordt gekeken in welke mate de VS en de EU hun beleid hebben aangepast ten aanzien van de zwaktes van de democratie in Indonesië. Geconcludeerd wordt dat in het beleid van de VS de nadruk ligt op de politieke benadering en dat dit verschilt van de constateringen van Carothers. Bij ligt het accent de EU op de op ontwikkeling gerichte benadering, dit komt overeen met de analyse van Carothers. Beide actoren hebben hun beleid aangepast aan de context van Indonesië. De VS uitgebreider dan de EU, maar deze twee actoren complementeren. Het beleid van beide actoren biedt hulp aan alle zwaktes van de democratie in Indonesië.Show less
The purpose of this research is to analyse the forces behind how secession1 states come to be externally recognised and gain international legal sovereignty. This paper addresses the overtly one...Show moreThe purpose of this research is to analyse the forces behind how secession1 states come to be externally recognised and gain international legal sovereignty. This paper addresses the overtly one-dimensional approach of current secession theories pertaining to external recognition. I posit to fill a gap in the existing literature by creating a new theory derived from the two existing sets of secession literature; external and internal. This will be a hybrid theory that incorporates both existing theoretical lenses to give a more complete picture of the forces at work behind external recognition. I then apply this theory to the case studies of Somaliland and South Sudan. The research aims to identify and isolate factors that influence and explain the external recognition of South Sudan and the non-recognition of Somaliland. South Sudan’s external recognition is found to be explained solely by levels of external involvement while Somaliland is found to have more influential internal factors than external. This leads to the conclusion that within the hybrid theory, external factors prove the most significant in external recognition. However, only through a hybrid theory can well-rounded and comprehensive research be conducted. The paper contributes to the academic field within Political Science of secessionist movements and state creation.Show less
The purpose of this research is to analyse and test EU border policy instruments designed to ensure refugee protection. While scholars have discussed the securitization of EU border policies and...Show moreThe purpose of this research is to analyse and test EU border policy instruments designed to ensure refugee protection. While scholars have discussed the securitization of EU border policies and the negative consequences of this for the protection of refugees, a systematic examination of the instruments designed to ensure refugee protection is still missing. I posit that the EU’s border policy instruments reflect a near-sighted attitude. Analyzing the instruments aimed at ensuring refugee protection, not only provides an insight into the weaknesses and strengths of each policy instrument, it will also show legislative gaps which allow EU member states to act in accordance with their national interest rather than EU border policy. Using data from policy papers, evaluation reports, and newspapers I outline the objectives and legal foundations of the instruments. I will then apply them to the case of the Arab Spring to test whether these instruments have lived up to their foundational objectives. The results suggest that the instruments of EU border policy were too weak to protect refugees.Show less
This thesis examines the 2011 intervention in Libya, focusing on the distinct influences of the national, regional and international levels of governance on the decision-making process. Although...Show moreThis thesis examines the 2011 intervention in Libya, focusing on the distinct influences of the national, regional and international levels of governance on the decision-making process. Although the locus of power in decision-making still resides mainly within the permanent members of the Security Council, a substantial role is reserved for regional organizations in their role as gatekeepers and policy catalysts. The article questions the generally accepted notion that the intervention should be viewed as a success for the Responsibility to Protect. Although the intervention and resolutions on Libya can be seen as a triumph for the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, the actors involved still vary widely in their commitment to the doctrine, which is clearly seen in the way the Libyan no-fly zone was prepared, implemented and subsequently evaluated. Finally, the article relates the Libyan intervention to the current stalemate concerning the humanitarian crisis in Syria, in which it plays a crucial role, especially through the critical way Libya was evaluated in Russia and China.Show less
In deze bachelorscriptie wordt gekeken naar Egypte, dat sinds 2005 een onveranderde Freedom House score heeft van 5.5 (PR 6, CL 5) en daarmee de status niet-vrij kent. De hoofdvraag van dit...Show moreIn deze bachelorscriptie wordt gekeken naar Egypte, dat sinds 2005 een onveranderde Freedom House score heeft van 5.5 (PR 6, CL 5) en daarmee de status niet-vrij kent. De hoofdvraag van dit onderzoek is: heeft de Arabische Lente in Egypte geleid tot een transitie van een pseudodemocratie naar een electorale democratie wanneer gekeken wordt naar de functies van politieke partijen?Show less
Analysis of the main causes why there is not a comprehensive global response to cyber threats. Analysis focuses on state interactions in the UN and CoE.
This thesis is about one of the basic concepts of International Relations, a highly valued theory that has been used to explain multiple cases in world history: the security dilemma. The originally...Show moreThis thesis is about one of the basic concepts of International Relations, a highly valued theory that has been used to explain multiple cases in world history: the security dilemma. The originally interstate concept was intended to explain those conflicts where states were involuntarily drawn to conflict. Not only has the security dilemma been applied to interstate conflict as it was originally intended, there is also a sizable literature available on the security dilemma applied to ethnic conflict. But in order to account for ethnic conflict the security dilemma has been stretched and a while authors like Posen, Kaufman, Melander and Roe assert that the conflict in Croatia and the former Yugoslavia was a consequence of the security dilemma. This thesis will illustrate the opposite, showing that the security dilemma neglects and fails to account for essential processes that have contributed to and even caused the ethnic violence in Croatia in 1991. The revisiting of the case study of the ethnic conflict between the Serbs and Croats in Croatia will serve to lay the foundations for the broader theoretical claim that the security dilemma cannot be successfully applied to intra-state conflict.Show less
In this thesis the behaviour of the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) of the Dutch Freedom Party is examined. The research question is: How can the behaviour of the MEPs of the Dutch...Show moreIn this thesis the behaviour of the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) of the Dutch Freedom Party is examined. The research question is: How can the behaviour of the MEPs of the Dutch Freedom Party be characterized? The behaviour of the MEPs of the Freedom Party is researched through the use of role theory. There are many different typologies concerning the roles of members of national parliaments, MEPs and eurosceptic MEPs which are discussed in this thesis. It is then researched which of these roles are applicable to the behaviour of the MEPs of the Freedom Party. The parliamentary activities (written questions, motions for resolutions, speeches in the plenary, attendance to plenary) of the MEPs of the Freedom Party are covered and two MEPs (Barry Madlener and Auke Zijlstra) of the Freedom Party were asked a number of questions about their behaviour in the European Parliament.Show less
Political Tolerance can be seen as allowing persons of your least-liked group to poses political rights. This research is about political tolerance in relaltion to party identification. Previous...Show morePolitical Tolerance can be seen as allowing persons of your least-liked group to poses political rights. This research is about political tolerance in relaltion to party identification. Previous American research suggested that conservatives are less likely to act tolerant than conservatives. The results show that people who feel an attachment to a political party are significantly more likely to be tolerant than people who do not feel any attachment to a political party. Their is no difference in tolerance among respondents who feel attached with right or left parties or progressive or conservative parties in the Netherlands.Show less
This study examines the probable causes of different leaders’ responses to political intolerance in Dutch democracy. In comparing two Dutch Prime Ministers in similar settings, who show different...Show moreThis study examines the probable causes of different leaders’ responses to political intolerance in Dutch democracy. In comparing two Dutch Prime Ministers in similar settings, who show different responses to increasing intolerance in society, this study attempts to explain their contrasting attitudes by their personal traits. Both the political tolerance and the leadership style scholars’ results are used as a basis, since both type of scholars use personality traits in trying to predict leaders’ attitudes or political intolerance. This study states as many other studies that most personality traits do not explain contrasting leadership responses to intolerance, while self-esteem does. Thus, when political parties want to create a more tolerant society, and therefore want to select a more tolerant political leader, the leaders’ self-esteem is most important.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
States can choose to cooperate, delay or escalate their territorial disputes, but there is a lack of understanding of strategy behind each choice. In this study, Russian territorial disputes are...Show moreStates can choose to cooperate, delay or escalate their territorial disputes, but there is a lack of understanding of strategy behind each choice. In this study, Russian territorial disputes are looked at using the theory of omnibalancing and the theory of preventive warfare, theories which have already been applied by Taylor Fravel in his analysis of the Chinese territorial disputes. The results of this research show that Fravel’s approach can explain a slight majority of Russia’s cases, but the explanatory power could be increased by changing certain premises of his theory.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
2012-07-06T00:00:00Z
Recently, the attention given by scholars and academics to the study of Mexican soft power and public diplomacy has not been abundant. The existent literature is not consistent enough to provide a...Show moreRecently, the attention given by scholars and academics to the study of Mexican soft power and public diplomacy has not been abundant. The existent literature is not consistent enough to provide a thorough study and explanation of how the country has so far acknowledged the concept of soft power, and more importantly, what actions need to be followed to start practising public diplomacy as a major, integral component of its foreign policy.Show less
