This thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation...Show moreThis thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation of ethnic Russians in Estonia and Latvia present a puzzle that has yet to be explained. Language is a factor that has traditionally been ignored by scholars of political participation. However, this thesis argues that it is key to understanding different patterns of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. This thesis argues that the higher level of titular language proficiency among Russian minorities in Latvia has given them a distinct advantage over Russian minorities in Estonia. This is because government legislation affords the titular languages an elevated status in both countries. No such concessions are made for minority languages such as Russian. Firstly, this thesis explains why the Russian minorities in the two countries have different levels of titular language proficiency. Secondly, it reveals why language proficiency is a necessity for those who wish to participate in parliamentary politics. It uses a wide range of government legislation including citizenship laws, constitutions and language laws to demonstrate that linguistic proficiency is not only required for citizenship, but also for participation in parliamentary politics. This thesis ultimately reveals that the introduction of just one official language in two countries with such large minority groups has served to automatically disadvantage a significant proportion of the population from participating in politics and that differences between the two counties are likely to remain for some time unless Russian is introduced as a second official language.Show less
Thesis about the influence of civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Srpska Republic compared to Macedonia. Civil war seems to have no measureable impact on the social trust, political trust and...Show moreThesis about the influence of civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Srpska Republic compared to Macedonia. Civil war seems to have no measureable impact on the social trust, political trust and political tolerance variables.Show less
From 1991 and onwards, Ethiopia has gone through a political transition using ethnicity as the fundamental principle for organizing a federal government. The transition of this change ended in the...Show moreFrom 1991 and onwards, Ethiopia has gone through a political transition using ethnicity as the fundamental principle for organizing a federal government. The transition of this change ended in the newly elected government in August 1995. The country is divided into nine separate federal states based on ethnic identity. The change of the political structure of the country has been radical and pioneering. Radical, in the sense that Ethiopia used to be a centralized and unitary state. Pioneering, in the sense that it has gone further than any African state, and further than 'almost any other state worldwide' (Clapham 2002: 27) in using ethnicity as the principle for organizing the federal state system (Turton 2006: 1). This change was meant to mark a beginning for a more democratized society after decades of political suppression and authoritarianism. Thus, this radical and pioneering, yet fundamental change in the society was received with hopefulness of a better and more democratic tomorrow in Ethiopia. This thesis will look at how the Ethiopian quest for democratization has succeeded.Show less
Politics should be brought closer to the citizens and democracy will improve as a result. This is a widely shared opinion among Dutch political parties. Another widely shared opinion is that the...Show morePolitics should be brought closer to the citizens and democracy will improve as a result. This is a widely shared opinion among Dutch political parties. Another widely shared opinion is that the municipality is closest to the citizens. From these notions political parties draw the logical conclusion that decentralizing roles and powers to municipalities enhances democracy. Central in this thesis is the question whether the political parties are right and that from the perspective of democracy local politics are closest to the citizen indeed. Political parties differ in their interpretations of the word ‘closer’. By combining these interpretations with different perspectives on democracy I have identified three aspects by which the central research question can be investigated: representation, political involvement and responsiveness. On these three aspects I have compared local politics to national and provincial politics. For this comparison I have used evidence from existing surveys and inquiries and actual data. I have found little evidence that local politics are closer to the citizens than national politics. The Dutch Lower House is more representative than the average municipal council, except for the point of education. Citizens themselves believe national politics to be more important and they are more interested in national politics. National politics play a larger role in the municipal elections than local politcs do. The turnout in local elections is lower than in national elections. The knowledge of local politics is probably lower than the knowledge of national politics. However citizens are satisfied with their local authority, especially when it comes to services.Show less
Analysis of the breakdown of Thai democracy in September 2006. Based on general theroretical axiomas on democratic consolidation and democratic breakdown a qualitative and a quantitative analysis...Show moreAnalysis of the breakdown of Thai democracy in September 2006. Based on general theroretical axiomas on democratic consolidation and democratic breakdown a qualitative and a quantitative analysis are used to provide possible causes for the breakdown of democracy in Thailand. Economical circumstances, the interpretation of democracy or socialization cannot be identified as causes for the breakdown. Especially interesting is that income and appreciation of democracy are correlated negatively in Thailand in 2002 and 2006. From 2002 to 2006 interpersonal trust is decreased while distrust has increased.Show less
This thesis sets up a model for political tolerance among minority groups in the Netherlands, which consists of two dimensions. The first determines whether the group has been a victim of...Show moreThis thesis sets up a model for political tolerance among minority groups in the Netherlands, which consists of two dimensions. The first determines whether the group has been a victim of discrimination and because of their struggles the individuals have grown more tolerant towards others. The other dimension is the division between bridging and bonding networks, with the latter making people less tolerant. This research confirms the second assumption, but not the first.Show less
Since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case...Show moreSince the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case of Libya reveals that the EU is still torn when it comes to questions of foreign policy and especially the deployments of military troops. Within the last twenty years, a number of international crises have pointed out the deficiencies of the EU with regard to these issues. With this thesis, I aim to find reasons for the inability of the EU in questions of foreign policy, and particularly military action-taking within an EU framework. I argue that the role of Germany in this context is rather crucial. As the largest and most powerful member state, Germany’s position has a large influence on the actions of the EU. Germany has been very reluctant towards using military power after the horrible events in World War II (WWII), and hence, I pose the research question: ‘To what extent does Germany’s aversion to the use of military power due to historic reasons affect the EU’s ability to speak with a common voice on issues of security and defense?’ My main argument is the following: ‘The inability of the EU to speak with a common voice with regard to military action is due to several aspects, with the largest influence being Germany’s aversion to use military power due to reasons of guilt and the country’s history’. In my thesis I find that a number of reasons may influence the inability of the EU to speak with a common voice; however, the largest effect seems to have Germany and the country’s still-existing reluctance towards using military means due to its history and consequential guilt sentiments.Show less
Abstract A much debated question is the question whether or not politicians follow public opinion. This research tries to shed light on that question, by investigating if politicians follow the...Show moreAbstract A much debated question is the question whether or not politicians follow public opinion. This research tries to shed light on that question, by investigating if politicians follow the public in the area of political tolerance. However, instead of linking thoughts about political tolerance among the public with thoughts of politicians, this research tries to link thoughts about political tolerance among the public with actions conducted by politicians. In other words, do politicians act more (or less) tolerant when the public is more (or less) tolerant? This question is investigated by doing a content analysis of state of the union addresses. These results are then compared with survey results considering political tolerance among the public to see whether or not there is a relationship between the two variables. After this analysis, it is concluded that the level of political tolerance among the public, and the level of tolerance in actions conducted by politicians are negatively related, where actions by politicians become more (less) tolerant when the public is less (more) tolerant.Show less
In the past, the threat of nuclear arms and the states and actors that might gain access to such technology has resulted in the pre-emptive use of military force against states. Israel attacked...Show moreIn the past, the threat of nuclear arms and the states and actors that might gain access to such technology has resulted in the pre-emptive use of military force against states. Israel attacked Iraq (Operation Opera in 1981) and Syria (Operation Orchard in 2007) in order to prevent or forcefully disrupt their nuclear proliferation efforts. Currently, concern about Iran’s nuclear program has raised debate about the possibility of an Israeli pre-emptive attack. This thesis employs hypotheses from realist, constructivist and liberal theory to explain the use of force in counter-proliferation, using a strategy of within-case and across-case analysis of both prior attacks. I locate determining conditions that led Israel to use force in counter proliferation. The hypotheses explore conditions such as uncertainty about state identity, the perception of threat, the risk of shift in regional power balance, prior military hostility, hostile public statements made by state leaders, undeterrability and the domestic support of state leaders. Most of these conditions are present in the current case of Iran, when considering the possibility of a pre-emptive Israeli attack. If Iran’s military support to Hezbollah is interpreted as indirect military hostility, all the conditions for an Israeli pre-emptive attack would be present, when considering the conditions leading to the previous two Israeli attacks in counter proliferation. The analysis suggests there is a high chance that this will cause Israel to use pre-emptive force in order to destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities, as the “Begin Doctrine”, on which Israel’s security policy is based, will not accept such high security risks.Show less
De moderne techniek speelt een steeds grotere rol in het dagelijkse leven van de mens en ontwikkelt zich alsmaar sneller. Soms gaan deze ontwikkelingen zo snel dat zij niet meer beheerst kunnen...Show moreDe moderne techniek speelt een steeds grotere rol in het dagelijkse leven van de mens en ontwikkelt zich alsmaar sneller. Soms gaan deze ontwikkelingen zo snel dat zij niet meer beheerst kunnen worden, de techniek dreigt dan buiten de controle van de mens te komen staan. Wanneer de technische vooruitgang niet alleen uit controle raakt maar ook een bedreiging van de vrijheid van de mens begint te vormen dient de staat in te grijpen en de technische vooruitgang te beheersen.Show less
In deze scriptie zijn twee argumenten voor een democratisch bedrijf ontkracht, namelijk het right for meaningful work argument en parallel case argument. Er is geprobeerd aan te geven welke...Show moreIn deze scriptie zijn twee argumenten voor een democratisch bedrijf ontkracht, namelijk het right for meaningful work argument en parallel case argument. Er is geprobeerd aan te geven welke problemen deze argumenten opleveren. Ook is er geprobeerd een andere rechtvaardiging voor inspraak van werknemers in hun bedrijf te geven.Show less
The European Union is seen as an institution in which member states pool or transfer their sovereignty. This research will analyze the relationship between sovereignty and the European Union in an...Show moreThe European Union is seen as an institution in which member states pool or transfer their sovereignty. This research will analyze the relationship between sovereignty and the European Union in an attempt to explore what happens to sovereignty and if concerns of losing sovereignty to the European Union are legit.Show less
The main goal of this article is to find out in what way discrete negative emotions are of influence regarding a person's level of tolerance. To investigate this matter, an experiment among Dutch...Show moreThe main goal of this article is to find out in what way discrete negative emotions are of influence regarding a person's level of tolerance. To investigate this matter, an experiment among Dutch citizens was conducted to discover the impact of fear, anger and hatred on tolerance attitudes. Besides that, a person's perception of threat may be an important factor in explaining already existing emotions like fear. Because previous literature has pointed out that a person's perception of threat and felt emotions towards a certain group are closely connected, the research in this article will combine findings of threat perception and emotional responses in explaining political tolerance attitudes. The research question for this study is therefore: In what way do discrete negative emotions and perceptions of threat regarding a certain out-group effect a person's level of tolerance towards that out-group.Show less
