The Russian military intelligence organization GRU drew attention to itself in recent years through a series of subversive actions. With varied outcome. This research aims to see how the reforms of...Show moreThe Russian military intelligence organization GRU drew attention to itself in recent years through a series of subversive actions. With varied outcome. This research aims to see how the reforms of the GRU between 2009 and 2011 impacted the use of subversion by the GRU. The hypothesis is that the GRU rediscovered its Soviet roots. Especially considering five key-areas: target, intention, methods, means and allies. The research suggests that the GRU did not change significantly after the fall of the Soviet Union. After the reforms they did, but not towards the Soviet tradition of subversion, but rather in a new direction. The hypothesis therefore is rejected.Show less
Despite the vast amount of scholarly attention, the issue of decapitation has enjoyed, research on decapitation has primarily focused on US and Israeli cases. Nonetheless, decapitation as a...Show moreDespite the vast amount of scholarly attention, the issue of decapitation has enjoyed, research on decapitation has primarily focused on US and Israeli cases. Nonetheless, decapitation as a counterterrorism measure used by the Russian authorities, has been surprisingly under-researched. Hence, this paper aspires to contribute to the academic debate by filling this under-researched gap. Further building onto Morehouse’s work (2014), this paper presents an analysis of the impact of Russian decapitation efforts on the operational effectiveness of Chechen rebel groups for the period between 1995 and 2014. Central themes this study is concerned with involve the question of whether or not decapitation efforts have significantly and consistently reduced the number of casualties and subsequent attacks. This paper found that seen over the whole period of research, the number of casualties and the frequency of the attacks did decrease. Nevertheless, this decrease was accompanied by peaks and throughs, and, therefore, these decreases were not consistent.Show less
This thesis explores the phenomena of cronyism in the Russian Federation. The structure of the thesis is the following: Introduction which defines the goals and objectives of the paper; Literature...Show moreThis thesis explores the phenomena of cronyism in the Russian Federation. The structure of the thesis is the following: Introduction which defines the goals and objectives of the paper; Literature Review which reviews existent scholarly articles on cronyism and cronyism in Russia; Three chapters that examine one of the prominent Russian billionaires, his connections to high ranked government officials and his alleged involvement in cronyistic exchanges; Conclusion with outlined findings and connection to the wider challenges that the world is facing. With the use of the existent theoretical framework on cronyism and triangulation of the available journalistic material, this thesis concludes that it is highly likely that cronyistic exchanges take place in Russia at the highest levels of the executive and legislative branches of the government. Coming to this conclusion is important because it reveals that the actions of the Russian government might not always be motivated by national interests but rather by the interests of certain individuals.Show less
To suppress civil organisations within the Russian Federation, the government is applying a broad range of tools to keep a grip on those CSOs. Those can be classified as government-orientated civil...Show moreTo suppress civil organisations within the Russian Federation, the government is applying a broad range of tools to keep a grip on those CSOs. Those can be classified as government-orientated civil society; media control and discrediting groups, and; vague legal grounds. This also affects the Anti-corruption Foundation (FBK) of Alexey Navalny. To stay active within the tightened public space, FBK is using different strategies in reaction to continue their fight against corruption. Those strategies can be seen in a selection in general in the use of internet campaigning; going to the European Court of Human Rights; smart voting; the populist strategy; connecting high officials with corruption; mass demonstrations, and; active use social media.Show less
At the turn of this millennium Russia stood before the behemoth task of rising from the ashes left behind by the chaotic 90's. Russia's seemingly endless natural resources and an accompanying rise...Show moreAt the turn of this millennium Russia stood before the behemoth task of rising from the ashes left behind by the chaotic 90's. Russia's seemingly endless natural resources and an accompanying rise in oil prices only go so far in its development. However, to gain relevance on the world stage beyond the constant military flexing and being an energy appendage to the upper echelon industrialised countries, it needs to produce marketable technologies and secure a spot among the greatest economies. At the end of the first decade a new paradigm in the way we transact information found prominence in the minds of the tech savvy, which turned into the explosive development of the Blockchain technology. This potentially revolutionary new technology has the characteristics to alter the social fabric in which old power structures become obsolete, but at the same time provide a golden opportunity for the relative young and unbound Russian IT sector to thrive and leave a global mark. The new generation technocrats plead for full scale adoption, regulation and development of this technology, but their older and politically more powerful Soviet rooted counter parts plead against the dangers of this shift in dynamics. In this work I looked at what the blockchain technology means for Russia and how the Russian authorities took a stance in adapting the technology.Show less
De impact van sociale media op politiek is een onderwerp van discussie in wetenschappelijke kringen. Vanuit diverse hoeken wordt het hedendaagse fenomeen bestudeerd, waaruit blijkt dat landelijke...Show moreDe impact van sociale media op politiek is een onderwerp van discussie in wetenschappelijke kringen. Vanuit diverse hoeken wordt het hedendaagse fenomeen bestudeerd, waaruit blijkt dat landelijke en regionale contexten vaak een cruciale rol spelen. Dat geldt net zo zeer voor Rusland, dat opgedeeld is in 85 federale subjecten. Elk van die subjecten wordt bestuurd door een gouverneur, die de hoogste positie bekleedt binnen de regionale uitvoerende macht. Over deze groep politici en haar impact op regionale politiek is veel wetenschappelijke literatuur gepubliceerd. Gouverneurs zijn de gezichten van de regio’s, een van de redenen dat zij op sociale media soms gevolgd worden door wel honderdduizenden mediagebruikers. Hun rol binnen de regionale politiek is een veelbesproken thema, maar wat zegt het sociale mediagebruik van deze gouverneurs eigenlijk over Ruslands regionale politiek? Dat is de onderzoeksvraag voor deze studie. Daarbij is gelet op verschillende groepen gouverneurs: leiders van republieken tegenover andere regio’s, insiders tegenover outsiders, en gouverneurs van verschillende generaties. De data van dit onderzoek wijzen uit dat voor de gouverneurs van republieken en de generatieverschillen de meest heldere karakteristieken in sociale mediagebruik te onderscheiden zijn. Het gebruik onthult in zekere zin aspecten van de regionale politiek en van verhoudingen tussen gouverneurs en Moskou.Show less
The Russian counterinsurgency campaign in Chechnya from late 1999 has been typical for the authoritarian model of counterinsurgency and demonstrates the authoritarian inclinations and mindset of...Show moreThe Russian counterinsurgency campaign in Chechnya from late 1999 has been typical for the authoritarian model of counterinsurgency and demonstrates the authoritarian inclinations and mindset of the Putin regime. Instead of increasing government legitimacy, winning the Chechen population's 'hearts and minds' and in this way realising a durable solution to the Chechen conflict, the Putin administration relied mainly on at first mostly indiscriminate and later more selective violence and repression, for which it relied on an indigenous counterinsurgency force under the command of the Kadyrovs, in order to coerce the Chechens in compliance. At the same time, the Putin administration placed a lot of effort in preventing the national will to continue fighting in Chechnya from eroding by making the Chechen conflict invisible, creating the impression of normalisation and reducing Russian casualties. To this end, the Kremlin tried to reduce the freedom of the press and bring the media and civil society, which it viewed as a threat to its war effort, under its control, while at the same time it increasingly came to rely on its Chechen proxies, who in the mid-2000s took over the brunt of the counterinsurgency operations from the Russian military. Thus, although the Putin regime in the early 2000s was still regarded as a 'hybrid' or 'transitional' regime, the Russian counterinsurgency campaign in Chechnya from late 1999 demonstrates that Putin and the members of his inner circle from the start viewed democracy, free media and a strong and vibrant civil society as threats to their ability to govern, their war effort in Chechnya and their own positions.Show less
This thesis attempts to explain why the North-Caucasian Republic of Adygea does not suffer from jihadist insurgency and terrorism. Several factors (religion, security policy, religious policy, and...Show moreThis thesis attempts to explain why the North-Caucasian Republic of Adygea does not suffer from jihadist insurgency and terrorism. Several factors (religion, security policy, religious policy, and local identity and ideology) are examined to answer this question.Show less
Dit onderzoek schetst op basis van wetenschappelijke literatuur, populaire literatuur en een case study hoe RT en Spoetnik desinformatie gebruiken. Uit een analyse van de literatuur blijkt dat...Show moreDit onderzoek schetst op basis van wetenschappelijke literatuur, populaire literatuur en een case study hoe RT en Spoetnik desinformatie gebruiken. Uit een analyse van de literatuur blijkt dat Russische desinformatie een tamelijk recent verschijnsel is, dat verschilt van ouderwetse propaganda en het Sovjetfenomeen dezinformatsia. Waar ouderwetse propaganda tot doel had de ontvanger tot actie aan te zetten, lijkt desinformatie vooral bedoeld om de ontvanger te verwarren en in een passieve staat te brengen. Naast een grote hoeveelheid (tegenstrijdige) berichten komt uit de populaire literatuur nog een aantal elementen van desinformatie naar voren, namelijk samenzweringstheorieën, whataboutism, (geladen) taalgebruik, en journalistieke balans. Aan de hand van deze kenmerken is de case – de verslaggeving over MH17 door RT en Spoetnik – bestudeerd. De analyse laat zien dat er in de case sprake is van desinformatie, en dat de voornoemde elementen in meer of mindere mate gebruikt zijn in de verslaggeving.Show less
A comparative analysis between the Federal law of the Russian Federation No. 152-FZ on Personal Data and the European Data Protection Directive 95/46/EC and the General Data Protection Regulation...Show moreA comparative analysis between the Federal law of the Russian Federation No. 152-FZ on Personal Data and the European Data Protection Directive 95/46/EC and the General Data Protection Regulation EU 2016/679.Show less
