While Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet)...Show moreWhile Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet) in other post-Soviet areas. This thesis seeks to explain what factors explain Russia’s decision to annex Crimea next to continuing its soft power strategy. This research uses a constructivist approach and argues that culturally and historically constructed relations shape Russia’s foreign policy, and therefore, Russia’s foreign policy varies within the post-Soviet space. This research uses explaining-outcome process-tracing and a most-similar case study comparison to uncover why Russia decided to annex Crimea. The evidence suggests that while the Russian World is an essential aspect of Russia’s soft power strategy, Russia did not annex Crimea because it seeks to unite all compatriots in the Russian World. Instead, the evidence suggests that Russia annexed Crimea because of Crimea’s historical significance to Russia and because Russia seeks to regain its former great power status in the post-Soviet space.Show less
This thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics...Show moreThis thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics have been subjected to a Critical Discourse Analysis, engaging with the insights of ancient and contemporary rhetoric scholars. The results show that Putin consistently weaves three narratives that run like a thread through his speeches. First, Putin presents himself as a kind, intelligent, and respectful leader who has an adequate amount of experience and supports the people. Second, Putin persistently shows that Russia only has good intentions for the world. Last, Russia finally stands up for its interests after years of suppression and humiliation by the hypocrite West. These results not just illustrate the rhetorical techniques that underlay Putin’s account of Russia’s foreign policy. They also provide an insight into the worldview of the vast majority of Russians because of a media monopoly of the Kremlin. As such, this thesis contributes to a growing corpus of research that emphasizes how Putin’s words are of importance.Show less
Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries...Show moreRussia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries from threats through military cooperation,conflict mediation and anti-interventionism to gain influence.Show less
The central objective of this research is to examine the evolution of the Kremlin’s counteractive strategy toward the “color revolutions” in post-Soviet states in light of the most recent case of...Show moreThe central objective of this research is to examine the evolution of the Kremlin’s counteractive strategy toward the “color revolutions” in post-Soviet states in light of the most recent case of protest-based regime change, the Velvet Revolution in Armenia. The latter is conceptualized as a successor to the initial interrelated wave of “color revolutions in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, which illustrates a changing pattern of opposition movements’ learning-drawing behavior to neutralize Russian interference. The Russian counteractive approach toward the revolutions is analyzed through the use of prospect theory, further revealing that the Kremlin’s strategy has evolved from taking an active to a more passive stance. The findings do not to confirm that Russia has developed a specific strategy or that its approach has evolved through a self-learning basis despite its increasing willingness to take on a more balanced position. To better understand this shift, three hypotheses (“the actor-centered hypothesis,” “the Western support hypothesis” and “the sitting regime hypothesis”) are formulated and tested as alternative explanations through the use of process tracing. The analysis of the evidence reveals that there is, indeed, a causal link between the oppositions’ evolving political agenda and the corresponding passivity of the Kremlin’s approach, which is observed in Kyrgyzstan and Armenia. However, there is no solid evidence to confirm that Western support during a revolution or that the active attempts of the incumbents to stay in power have specifically triggered the Russian response. Nevertheless, Russian authorities have actively used the alleged Western interference as a tool to delegitimize the revolutions.Show less
To answer the question of what explains the success of recent Eurasian integrational projects (Eurasian Economic Community; Eurasian Customs Union; Eurasian Common Economic Space; and Eurasian...Show moreTo answer the question of what explains the success of recent Eurasian integrational projects (Eurasian Economic Community; Eurasian Customs Union; Eurasian Common Economic Space; and Eurasian Economic Union) vis-à-vis their predecessor (Commonwealth of Independent States), this research firstly establishes two measures of success of regional integration projects and applies these to the two aforementioned groupings in Eurasia. Then, several explanations of the varying success between these two groupings are analysed, after which the theory of postfunctionalism will be proposed as a possible explanation. To test this theory’s suitability in explaining this variation, its hypothesis about the success (and lack thereof) of regional integration projects will be tested using a longitudinal case-study research design involving mixed research methods.Show less
Africa has become an important point in the Russian foreign policy agenda, which has not been the case since three decades ago. This thesis will examine the reinvented Russian foreign policy...Show moreAfrica has become an important point in the Russian foreign policy agenda, which has not been the case since three decades ago. This thesis will examine the reinvented Russian foreign policy interest in the African continent and explain this by looking at geopolitical influence, arguing that Russia’s geopolitical interest can be explained by the Great power competition with the United States and China, and furthermore discussing how isolation from relations with the West have had effect on increasing relations with Africa. Looking at military influence, it will argue that Russian arms trade to African states can be seen as an incentive to keep states unstable to increase arms trade. Last, this thesis will argue that there is much opportunity for economic trade in minerals and energy and examine how Russia is making use of the opportunity. Analyzing these different spheres show a trend, Russian state affiliated companies, which are not concerned with human rights and democracy protection are doing the dirty work for the Russian state and thereby taking the accountability away from the state.Show less
This thesis examines why Central Asia has so far failed to integrate as a region in the post-Soviet context from a new regionalism analysis (NRA). NRA combines both endogenous and exogenous factors...Show moreThis thesis examines why Central Asia has so far failed to integrate as a region in the post-Soviet context from a new regionalism analysis (NRA). NRA combines both endogenous and exogenous factors that are relevant in of the former Soviet countries from a historical perspective. This analysis assess not only the current challenges Central Asia faces, but also explains the revival of Central Asian regionalism since 2016.Show less
Over the past decades a clear perception of dichotomy between the USA and the Russian Federation has persisted that has seeped into the perception of the strategy followed by either military. This...Show moreOver the past decades a clear perception of dichotomy between the USA and the Russian Federation has persisted that has seeped into the perception of the strategy followed by either military. This perception is examined and challenged through an analysis of either nations strategy and tactics in the field of Counterinsurgency (COIN). Initial glances appear to confirm the perception by highlighting the difference in success rate and efficiency in COIN by Russia and the USA. Analyses of military COIN tactics in Syria and Iraq, the strategic political circumstances of either nation, and the ability of the individual militaries to adapt to circumstances as well as synthesize useful knowledge, are used to examine the reasons for the increased effectiveness of Russian COIN. Tactically, it is found that both nations do not differ enough to result in the marked difference in success that has been found, therefore the reasons must lie in the other circumstances. The results of this thesis have the implication that military success in COIN is not found in specific tactical differences but rather through a combination of maintaining political will and a better synthesis of useful knowledge within the scope of the military. Therefore, the US and Russian COIN strategies are two sides of the same COIN, albeit one more successful.Show less
Since the inception of the Russian Federation and European Union, gas tensions in the European gas market have gradually increased to the point where the EU and Russia have become entangled in...Show moreSince the inception of the Russian Federation and European Union, gas tensions in the European gas market have gradually increased to the point where the EU and Russia have become entangled in several legal, economic, and political confrontations. An analysis of Russian and EU policies supports Constructivist assertions that ideas influence the decision-makers and policies involved in these confrontations. More specifically, an in-depth analysis of EU and Russian policies, strategic discourses, and policy environments reveals that EU-Russian gas tensions are correlated with an EU-Russian divergence in worldviews, goals, and tools. Once this observation is adapted to Hall’s theory of policy paradigms and fitted into a Constructivist framework, EU-Russian gas tensions appear to be driven by EU-Russian differences in economic paradigms. A thorough analysis of one of the longest-lasting and most explicit EU-Russian legal confrontations – the European Commission’s antitrust proceedings against Gazprom – lends support to this hypothesis. Over the course of this six-year-long legal battle, EU-Russian gas tensions increased whenever the divergence between the economic paradigms of the EU and Gazprom increased. Likewise, tensions decreased once their divergence decreased. This correlation is reinforced by the fact that the diverging EU and Russian economic paradigms have inspired conflicting policies that fuel these EU-Russian gas tensions. Thus a causal relationship between EU-Russian differences in economic paradigms and EU-Russian gas tensions seems to have been verified. This causal relationship has great implications for EU and Russian policies alike, for it questions common assumptions that EU-Russian gas tensions will automatically decrease once there is a political change.Show less
The theme of this thesis is the 2008 Russian military reforms which have been the most significant reforms since the fall of the Soviet-Union. The results of the reforms were mixed but successful...Show moreThe theme of this thesis is the 2008 Russian military reforms which have been the most significant reforms since the fall of the Soviet-Union. The results of the reforms were mixed but successful in comparison with earlier attempts. To find a possible explanation for some of the negative outcomes this thesis asks the following research question; To what extent does the dysfunctional, kleptocratic and corrupt system provide the explanation for the shortcomings of the Russian reforms of its military in 2008? The research question will be answered from a socio-cultural angle, and can perhaps provide an explanation for the dysfunctionality, kleptocratic and corrupt system that negatively affected the 2008 reforms. Based on the analysis in this thesis, it can be concluded the Russian military is plagued by a variety of problems that are socio-cultural in nature. This thesis demonstrates that aspects such as corruption, the legacy of the Soviet mentality, organizational culture and the negative public perception fuel the dysfunctionality of the Russian military and thus are related to the shortcomings of its reforms.Show less
The main objective of this thesis is to examine how the 2013 anti-gay propaganda law benefited the Russian government. This builds a connection between the effects of the law and the motivation for...Show moreThe main objective of this thesis is to examine how the 2013 anti-gay propaganda law benefited the Russian government. This builds a connection between the effects of the law and the motivation for passing the law. To be able to answer this central research question, it is necessary to investigate two sub-questions further: first, why the anti-gay propaganda law was implemented in 2013, and second, in what ways has the anti-gay propaganda law been implemented? after extensive research an overall trend can be seen. The main reason for the anti gay propaganda law to be passed was in order to strengthen Putinsism after Putins re-election. This can be examined by using Developmentalism, The ROC, a Russian national identity and media within Russia. This thesis therefore then asks the question if the LGBTQ+ community was only a victim of power politics or were specifically targeted with homophobic legislation.Show less
This paper will retrace the impact of Tatar nationalism on the para-diplomatic activities of the Republic of Tatarstan since the beginning of its sovereignty project in 1990. Moreover, it will try...Show moreThis paper will retrace the impact of Tatar nationalism on the para-diplomatic activities of the Republic of Tatarstan since the beginning of its sovereignty project in 1990. Moreover, it will try to introduce in its analysis some often ignored element of Tatarstan foreign relations, such as the Tatar diaspora and migration. It should be noted that, because of a lack of sources and available data, a large part of the study will concentrate on the first two decades of the RT, between 1990 and 2010, but it will nevertheless include more recent events when possible. The importance of this topic is not only linked to the lack of academic research, but also to the current instability facing the Russian Federation and the rise of a renewed nationalist sentiment among various ethnic minorities, including Tatars. Furthermore, the gradual withdrawal of autonomy rights by Putin administration puts Tatarstan and its political elite in a difficult position and opens the door for a renewal of ethnic and political tensions.Show less
The thesis will demonstrate how Russia strongly needs a successful foreign policy for the Western Balkan region. As this region has both geopolitical and strategic significance, numerous leading...Show moreThe thesis will demonstrate how Russia strongly needs a successful foreign policy for the Western Balkan region. As this region has both geopolitical and strategic significance, numerous leading powers are battling for their dominance. Thus, Russia will need to prevail and maintain its position per se. In more depth, Russian foreign policy approaches will be analyzed through the case studies of Serbia and Montenegro. Based on that, the research question for this thesis will be: "How does Russia make use of its foreign policy as an instrument of maintaining its presence in the WB? (The case of Republic of Serbia and Montenegro)." Firstly, this thesis will include a specific scholarly approach, which was not much outlined in other corresponding literature. Accordingly, the thesis will demonstrate how both Serbia and Montenegro are reacting to Russian foreign policy influences. Along with that, it will be seen in which foreign policy aspects Russia has an advantage over the EU, which is their principal rival in the region. Hence, this structure will avoid a black and white and simplified analysis of foreign policy influences in the Western Balkans. The results of the analysis will explain how Russia mainly channels political, economic, and security leverages to Serbia and Montenegro. Most of these aspects coincide with a realist perspective, which Russia favors in their Western Balkan foreign policy goals. In the end, the thesis will point out the extent of Russian influence in these two states, which differ between each aspect. It will also prove the importance of Russian presence in the Western Balkans and leave more room for new analysis by upcomingscholars.Show less
This study aims to shed light on the controversial discussion surrounding Nord Stream 2, a sister gas pipeline of Nord Stream doubling the direct gas transport capacity from Russia to Germany, and...Show moreThis study aims to shed light on the controversial discussion surrounding Nord Stream 2, a sister gas pipeline of Nord Stream doubling the direct gas transport capacity from Russia to Germany, and to be completed at the end of 2019. It is argued that through this latest trade agreement with Russia, Germany has indirectly become an important factor in managing European stability. This thesis provides more insight into these German-Russian bilateral energy relations and its implications, by analyzing existing and new empirical data, and tracing the causal relations between Nord Stream 2, Germany’s national interests, and the political stability of the European Union. N.B. When reading this thesis, it needs to be taken into account that given the novelty and strong political implications of this topic, many notions and drawn conclusions could still be susceptible to change still. Therefore, the conclusion functions merely a description of current state of affairs and a prognosis of the future.Show less
This paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting...Show moreThis paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting exploratory research on Russia as a single case study. Firstly, Russia’s disinformation campaign is analysed on its own. Secondly, the paper causally connects this disinformation campaign to the internet’s potential to consolidate democracy, primarily as a new free medium for information. In doing so, the paper makes use of two theories, inoculation theory and network theory, as underlying mechanisms for its analysis. It is argued that a negative relation can be observed between the internet’s potential to consolidate democratic developments through free and truthful information and Russia’s disinformation campaign. As this paper remains primarily theoretical in its analysis, further research is advised to determine how this relation has manifested in Russian society and what practical implications can be observed.Show less
Russia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but...Show moreRussia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but above all due to Russia’s connection to the notion of power. With the help of revisionism and neo-revisionism, this thesis will explain why Russia is present in the Arctic in the way that it is, and why its behaviour is seemingly ambiguous and sometimes even conflicting.Show less
The economic sanctions introduced by the United States and European Union against Russia since 2014 have specifically targeted Russia’s financial system, while having significant negative...Show moreThe economic sanctions introduced by the United States and European Union against Russia since 2014 have specifically targeted Russia’s financial system, while having significant negative consequences for Russia’s macroeconomic position. Yet, today the Russian financial system continues to function in a stable manner while inflation is low for modern Russian standards. The Central Bank of Russia (CBR) is the main actor responsible for guaranteeing the stability of the Russian financial system and has used a range of monetary and institutional policies to do so. Therefore, this research aims to explain the monetary and institutional policies pursued by the CBR in response to economic sanctions in the context of Russia’s political economy. The research uses process tracing in order to analyse the policy decisions by the CBR used since 2014 and explain them in the context of developments in Russia’s political economy in recent decades. The research finds that the CBR’s monetary policy is different compared to earlier crises, but not novel as many policy decisions can be traced back to developments in the CBR’s policies over the last decade. Meanwhile, the CBR’s institutional policies can be linked to developments in Russia’s political economy, as they are increasingly aimed at sterilising the Russian economy from external shocks. Therefore, even though the CBR’s crisis response can be seen as successful from the perspective of Russian policymakers, the content of the policies is not surprising considering broader developments in Russia’s political economy.Show less
