The political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad,...Show moreThe political situation in Syria has captured the interest of many scholars since its independence in 1946, and especially with the rise of the socialist Ba’ath party, and its patron Hafez Assad, to power. Assad’s authoritarian rule paved the way for Ba’ath party members and his immediate family members to accumulate wealth and power. This patrimonial approach has contributed to reshaping the class system and creating different types of the bourgeoisie. When Bashar Assad succeeded his father in the year 2000, the political-economic strategy in Syria changed a little by depriving the Ba’ath party members of their privileges and giving them to other prominent government officials and members of the country’s upper and upper-middle classes through neopatrimonial approaches. The new ‘state bourgeoisie’ in Syria did not only include Alawites who are directly related to Assad, but the new order also included Sunnis and Christians who were given a chance to get wealthy by proving their loyalty to Assad and cooperating with the regime. Since the beginning of the Syrian conflict in 2011, Syrian businesspeople have either continued supporting the regime or decided to remain silent and leave the country. Although the popular narrative of the Syrian conflict is largely sectarian in nature, sectarianism is not the only significant factor. Class has played a big role in the public’s dismay and contributed to the outbreak of the uprising. The business elite’s reaction to the conflict has contributed to the longevity of the conflict one hand and that of the Assad regime on the other. The loyal elites have benefited largely from this ongoing conflict whereas others who remained neutral risked the confiscation of their properties, and that of their family, and various terrorist charges. This thesis tackles the Syrian conflict from a different angle and highlights the role of the Syrian businesspeople.Show less
The Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian...Show moreThe Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian conflict, which started with peaceful protests in 2011. Such a narrative is based on a static and primordial view of Syria. As a response to that narrative this thesis uses social class theory to examine the years in Syria’s political economy in the years preceding the 2011 uprising. The five years before the uprising are important from an economic, social and political perspective as Syria initiated a transition to a social market economy. The two research question are as follows: How did Syria’s economic liberalisation from 2006 to 2010 change socioeconomic conditions vis-à-vis Syria’s civil uprising in 2011? And what role does social class play in Syria's socioeconomic grievances? The research questions are answered through case studies of the agricultural sector, investments in Syria, and the economic transition’s connection to the 2011 uprising. The case studies’ results are that socioeconomic conditions of lower and middle classes stagnated or worsened in the years before the uprising, displayed in unemployment and a widening wealth gap. Investments patterns in Syria in the economic liberalisation show how profits went those in the upper and ruling classes with ties to the regime. By that, it is concluded that class played a large role in Syria’s socioeconomic grievances that played a partial role in creating circumstances for the 2011 uprising. The explanation is, nonetheless, not sufficient on its own to explain the 2011 uprising. Future research on Syria’s political economy should continue to focus on classes and other social communities in order to provide better explanations for societal changes.Show less
This thesis looks at the case of Jordan and argues that corporatisation and privatisation efforts lead to improved success in economic efficiency, environmental sustainability, and social equity...Show moreThis thesis looks at the case of Jordan and argues that corporatisation and privatisation efforts lead to improved success in economic efficiency, environmental sustainability, and social equity for water management when sufficient regulatory capabilities exist. The success of water privatisation is disputed, both politically and academically. So far, evidence is inconclusive. This thesis develops an analytical framework for examining how privatisation may contribute to success in water management. Jordan is running dry, both financially and in terms of water. Given these circumstances, efficient water management is important. Jordan aims to solve its problems by involving the private sector. In applying the framework to Jordan, this work both establishes the validity of the framework and simultaneously shows that involving the private sector can be an appropriate approach for Jordan to tackle its water management issues. This insight has concrete policy implications: smaller scale private partnerships may be more appropriate than larger projects where less regulatory capacity exists. Even as they may have less impact, they can improve efficiency and are easier and less controversial to implement.Show less
To understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and...Show moreTo understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and cultural dimensions to argue how the shift in civil-military relations resulted in the Egyptian military facilitating a transition of power from Mubarak to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. By arguing about the shift in civil-military relations, this study uncovers that facilitating a transition of power as opposed to supporting the regime of Mubarak might have been 20 years in the making. Because of a shift from a clientelist relationship between the military and Mubarak to an internal clientelist relationship, the economic and political rise of Gamal Mubarak and the position the military holds within society based on a cultural-historic perspective, support for Mubarak became unlikely. Furthermore, this thesis adds to the theoretical critique on Huntington’s institutional theory by challenging the limited scope it offers to study civil-military relations.Show less
Why do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this...Show moreWhy do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this decision? This research delves into these questions by means of a comparative analysis between two state-minority relationships, that of the Amazigh minority with the Moroccan state and the Kurdish minority with the Turkish state. Whereas both minorities have been subject to their states’ nation-building endeavours, the Amazigh minority unlike the Kurdish minority has not resorted to violence as a response to this. Both factors related to the state and factors to do with minorities’ ability to mobilize have been shown to influence this decision. Based upon an historical analysis of these factors for both cases, the findings of this research strongly suggest that conditions of political exclusion and discrimination, heavy state interference in both the public and private domain, and violent state repression specifically aimed at an ethnic minority can explain the resort to ethnic political violence of minorities. At the same time, the findings call into question the explanatory capability of economic factors with regard to the rise of ethnic political violence.Show less
Denialism in Turkey has been a phenomenon which has gained significant precedence since the Armenian genocide of 1915. The Turkish governments over the last century have been accountable for...Show moreDenialism in Turkey has been a phenomenon which has gained significant precedence since the Armenian genocide of 1915. The Turkish governments over the last century have been accountable for several crimes which have been inflicted amongst several minority groups within the country causing a grave loss to their identities, memories, property and possessions. Denial has played an intrinsic role within the violence which has been inflicted amongst people to diverge the scene from criminal acts to portray justification of their motives instead.Show less
In 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February...Show moreIn 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February onwards, citizens demanded political, economic and social reforms. Most often, the situation there is presented in terms of a sectarian divide, but the thesis suggests that citizens were angered by restrictions to their right to muwatana, active citizenship. Through this analysis, particularly from the perspective of the citizenship approach, it becomes evident that the Bahraini regime has used citizenship as a tool of governance to keep control and to divide up the population. It has led to inequities between Sunnis and Shia, but also between Bahrainis and expats and between citizens from birth and naturalised citizens. Particularly, these groups are unequally represented in politics and society, have different opportunities to get employed and limited options to affect the political, social and economic outlook of their country. These factors have caused resentment among the population, stimulating them to rise up and seek other channels to have an impact.Show less
The economic impacts of tourism have been discussed widely, but mostly through the Tourism-led growth hypothesis. That is why; this thesis will contrast two viewpoints that I apply to the tourism...Show moreThe economic impacts of tourism have been discussed widely, but mostly through the Tourism-led growth hypothesis. That is why; this thesis will contrast two viewpoints that I apply to the tourism industry, which are the tourism-led growth hypothesis and the resource curse approach. Tunisia will be a useful case study because it epitomizes the debate on tourism due to its colonial history and the fact that its mass tourism development was centred on the well-known ‘sun, sand, sea’ package. The positive economic impacts of tourism, but also the costs of tourism will be analysed by the means of answering the following research question: How has mass tourism influenced the economic development of Tunisia since the late 1980s?. The purpose of this thesis is to research and understand the development and the economic impacts of the tourism industry in Tunisia. The theoretical framework will give an overview of the literature regarding the various perspectives on tourism. The conclusions drawn from this research provide insights into the positive economic impacts of the development of the tourism sector in Tunisia. I will also demonstrate throughout my thesis that there are constraining factors to the economic development of the industry. This implies that Tunisia could upscale its economic benefits from this sector. The aims of the research are to give recommendations to Tunisian policy-makers, and to suggest further research on the cross-sectoral linkages between tourism and the agricultural sector.Show less
one of the biggest problems for many states at the time of writing this thesis is the multi-ethnic and multi-nationalistic dynamics within states. Examples of these kind of states are Spain and the...Show moreone of the biggest problems for many states at the time of writing this thesis is the multi-ethnic and multi-nationalistic dynamics within states. Examples of these kind of states are Spain and the secessionist Catalan movement, Morocco and its Berber question, and the case that will be researched in this thesis, the Turkish state and the Kurdish ethno-nationalistic movement that exists within its borders. This thesis will research how the AKP is managing the Kurdish question in Turkey. After analyzing religious, constitutional and idological factors that have influence on the matter this thesis comes to the conclusion that the AKP and Erdogan have not been successful in implementing any major reforms that will solve the Kurdish question in Turkey. The only reform that the AKP and Erdogan have implemented that have had any significant effect are the ideological reforms. These reforms have shown their potential to be of paramount importance in the nation-building process in Turkey.Show less
