This thesis applies collective action theory from a historical institutionalist perspective. With applying collective action theory on an international level, the boundaries of collective action...Show moreThis thesis applies collective action theory from a historical institutionalist perspective. With applying collective action theory on an international level, the boundaries of collective action theory are pushed further than before. Collective action theory from a historical perspective is used to investigate the scope of regime complexity intergovernmental organizations experience and the development of state membership of intergovernmental organizations.Show less
This thesis takes a comparative approach to understanding the impact of TAN populist executives on the asylum systems of Hungary and Italy following the 2015/16 migration crisis. The interlinking...Show moreThis thesis takes a comparative approach to understanding the impact of TAN populist executives on the asylum systems of Hungary and Italy following the 2015/16 migration crisis. The interlinking concepts of TAN populism, autocratization, and their relationship with judicial control and the asylum seeker are first expanded upon in the Literature Review. Then, the Theoretical Framework chapter delves into the applicability of the path dependence approach for understanding the links between these concepts and hypothesises that the degree to which a TAN populist executive can inflict Asylum System Assault (ASA) depends on its ability to reshape judicial control. This hypothesis is tested using a research design based on MSSD-I which is discussed in the Methodological Approach chapter. The comparative part of the thesis begins with a chapter on the case study of Hungary. In this case we see how the drafting of a new constitution by the Fidesz party in 2010 severely weakened judicial independence, allowing for a path dependent trajectory of further autocratization and, following the migration crisis, of ASA. In turn, this led to the structural death of asylum in the country by 2020. Meanwhile, the next chapter on the Italian case shows how an independent judiciary can act as a lifebuoy for migrant rights by stopping the successful implementation of key TAN populist executive ASA policies. This being the case both during the Conte I government, and in the current Meloni-led government.Show less
In recent decades anti-immigration parties have made significant electoral gains in Europe. One of the main drivers of this success seems to be their anti-immigration stance. While the effect of...Show moreIn recent decades anti-immigration parties have made significant electoral gains in Europe. One of the main drivers of this success seems to be their anti-immigration stance. While the effect of immigration of voting for anti-immigration parties has been extensively studied, this thesis differentiates from these studies by using the concept of migration background. This thesis studies the effect of migration background on voting for anti-immigration parties Party for Freedom and Forum for Democracy in the Netherlands. This study uses four election years of the 21st century with data per municipality. Using the shift-share instrument by Card (2001), this study finds a positive effect of migration background on voting for antiimmigration parties. This study also finds that the welfare state channel also might be one the factors that contribute to the success of anti-immigration parties. Furthermore, this study also replicates the findings of the majority of the literature that immigration has a positive effect on voting for anti-immigration parties. Lastly, this study finds no evidence for the hypothesis that a non-western migration background has a more positive effect on voting for antiimmigration parties than a western migration background.Show less
There has been a growing body of research into exclusionary policy reforms that aim to restrict immigrants’ possibilities of gaining access to welfare state benefits, sometimes referred to as ...Show moreThere has been a growing body of research into exclusionary policy reforms that aim to restrict immigrants’ possibilities of gaining access to welfare state benefits, sometimes referred to as ‘immigrant-excluding welfare reforms’ (Koning, 2019). But despite increased attention for these policy changes, detailed studies into the drivers of their emergence and eventual implementation have remained scarce. This thesis confronts said literature gap by way of an in-depth qualitative case study of three immigrant-excluding welfare reforms in Belgium’s system of social assistance. Drawing on the existing literature, an analytical strategy is developed to meet the dual objective of (a) qualifying the nature of exclusionary reforms and (b) exploring their emergence and implementation through processtracing. The main results are the following. The qualifying analysis reinforces the notion that in Belgium - like in many other countries - social assistance provision has been increasingly linked to immigration law. The Belgian federal government’s objectives underpinning this ‘welfare-immigration policy linkage’ (Slaven, Casella Colombeau, & Badenhoop, 2021) relate to the desire to steer migration dynamics - resonating with the welfare magnet hypothesis (Borjas, 1999) - as well as to maintain support for welfare state redistribution through retrenchment. The exploratory analysis yields the conclusion that the long-term dynamics of immigrant-excluding welfare reforms in Belgium can be summarized as a combination of relatively high political pressures to restrict immigrants’ access, but also strong institutional constraints on the implementation of exclusionary policy change (comparable to the Netherlands, see Banting & Koning, 2017). The main recommendation for future studies is that additional in-depth research should be welcomed to more fundamentally unfold this complex interplay of pressures and constraints, whereby special attention should go out to the influence that (constitutional) courts exert on the eventual outcomes of exclusionary reforms after their initial implementation.Show less
Although they had been on the rise for the last few decades, Radical right parties (RRPs) across Europe enjoyed a significant surge in popularity following the refugee crisis of 2015 that saw...Show moreAlthough they had been on the rise for the last few decades, Radical right parties (RRPs) across Europe enjoyed a significant surge in popularity following the refugee crisis of 2015 that saw millions of refugees pour into Europe. While these parties traditionally tend to contest elections on their distinct positions on socio-cultural issues such as immigration and religious polarization, their attitudes and preferences on socio-economic issues such as the welfare state have received little scholarly attention until recently. This paper aims to contribute to the growing literature in this domain by examining the changes in welfare attitudes of two RRPs: Germany’s AfD and United Kingdom’s UKIP, in light of the 2015 refugee. Analysis of the two parties’ election manifestos for general elections held before and after the crisis shows that the radical-right ideology of nativism and xenophobia is more pronounced in the socio-cultural dimension for both parties in the post-crisis period. But when it comes to the socio-economic dimension and their attitudes towards the welfare state, radical-right behaviour of welfare chauvinism is more pronounced in AfD’s post-crisis manifesto compared to UKIP’s. The paper concludes by suggesting that this disparity in welfare attitudes may possibly be a result of the two countries having different types of welfare regimes more than due to their different experience with the refugee crisis itself.Show less
Dit onderzoek is gericht op revolverende financiering aan de hand van de JESSICA-fondsen in Nederland (Europees gefinancierde lokale fondsen). Op basis van de oprichting en de uitvoer van de...Show moreDit onderzoek is gericht op revolverende financiering aan de hand van de JESSICA-fondsen in Nederland (Europees gefinancierde lokale fondsen). Op basis van de oprichting en de uitvoer van de JESSICA-fondsen is de onderzoeksvraag onderzocht. De gestelde onderzoeksvraag is waarom een gemeente kiest voor de inzet revolverend fonds voor het verwezenlijken van beleidsdoelen. Op basis van het onderzoek zijn de conditionaliteiten die hiertoe bijdragen onderzocht. De voornaamste reden voor het kiezen voor een fonds is vanwege de impact die gegenereerd kan worden. Een fonds investeert in projecten met maatschappelijk en financieel rendement. Zonder rendement kan een lening niet worden terugbetaald, dus is rendement van belang. Rendement kan worden behaald door een goede businesscase en door als overheid te durven investeren in nieuwe innovatieve projecten, ook als dat niet marktconform is. JESSICA stelt daar specifieke eisen aan die zorgen voor meer rendement. Lef is daarbij van belang.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to analyse the differences between the Netherlands and Germany in their attitudes towards the EU corona rescue package. Both countries are similar in characteristics such...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to analyse the differences between the Netherlands and Germany in their attitudes towards the EU corona rescue package. Both countries are similar in characteristics such as economic and political system, geographical position in the EU, culture and fiscal policies. Nonetheless, during the negotiation rounds for the corona rescue package both countries had taken opposite positions. Whereas the Netherlands became known as the leader of ‘the frugal four’, Germany proposed the largest economic support programme ever seen in the EU. Questions can be raised why countries that are similar in characteristics and used to be on the same line in previous EU crisis are now taking such different stances. The literature on international decision-making has identified three important factors that can influence international decision making. These are the role of national interests, the role of institutions, and the role of ideas. This thesis will focus on these three explanatory factors in order to get a better understanding of the differences in outcome by the Netherlands and Germany. It has been found that in both countries national interests can be considered an important factor. However, in the Netherlands national interests have been portrayed differently as compared to Germany. Furthermore, the role of institutional factors can be identified as a second explanatory variable for the outcome. In the case of the Netherlands it became clear that the government had to align itself with the principles and values that are part of the EU as an institution. For Germany, it became clear that institutional factors have led to an alignment of German national interests with those of the EU. Lastly, the explanatory variable of ideas can be considered important since it has been found that both governments acted according to the ideas that where present in the Dutch and German societies. However, it is not clear if it was the government that has influenced society or that it was the other way around. This thesis will continue with an introduction consisting of essential context and the research question, followed by a literature review, a detailed chapter on the research design, the empirical data, and an analysis of the results.Show less
This paper will evaluate the reasons behind different solidarity levels per type of crises. The crises that are examined are: epidemics, high debt, natural disasters, military attacks, climate...Show moreThis paper will evaluate the reasons behind different solidarity levels per type of crises. The crises that are examined are: epidemics, high debt, natural disasters, military attacks, climate change, technological backwardness, refugee inflows, and high unemployment. As soon as a crisis arises and solidarity manifests itself, it is important to look for the reasons behind the difference in levels of solidarity because, with such knowledge, the consequences of a regional crisis can be dealt with accordingly. The theoretical framework indicates that there are three main reasons for the diverse levels of solidarity per type of crisis: (1) need, (2) control, and (3) identity. The first variable refers to the urgency of the help necessary. For instance, in a natural disaster or a pandemic, immediate help is required, since there may be loss of lives. On the other hand, a technological backwardness crisis does not require urgent help. The second variable, control, refers to the remedy that a country or individual can provide itself in a given situation. For instance, if an exogenous crisis occurs, such as a natural disaster, the occurrence is completely out of the hands of a given country. As the country can do little about this needy situation, people are inclined to feel more solidarity towards such a country. The third variable, identity, looks at the question whether you feel close to your inner circle and how broadly you define the inner circle. With the view of the European Union, this paper analyzed which people define their fellow EU-citizens as their inner circle. When performing a regression analysis, all three variables show a statistically significant effect on the willingness to help (solidarity).Show less
