This research analyses to what extent the ECtHR treats online hate speech as being protected by freedom of expression. First, by reviewing how the ECtHR interprets the notion of freedom of...Show moreThis research analyses to what extent the ECtHR treats online hate speech as being protected by freedom of expression. First, by reviewing how the ECtHR interprets the notion of freedom of expression. Second, by reviewing the ECtHR’s approach in cases that concern incitement to hatred and freedom of expression. Third, by analysing the case of Delfi and the case of MTE and Index when it comes to liability and fourth, by examining the role of Internet media in the dissemination of hate speech online. Finally, this research concludes that the ECtHR treats online hate speech as being protected by freedom of expression to the extent that the Internet news portal in question can be held liable for user-generated comments without this violating the news portal’s right to freedom of expression.Show less
In 2018, the European Council proposed to establish regional disembarkation arrangements in the Mediterranean with a view to stem irregular migration and prevent loss of life of migrants bound for...Show moreIn 2018, the European Council proposed to establish regional disembarkation arrangements in the Mediterranean with a view to stem irregular migration and prevent loss of life of migrants bound for Europe. The proposal allows for the quick disembarkation of migrants saved in search and rescue missions and the extraterritorial assessment of their claims to international protection. This study employs a doctrinal research method in order to provide a legal analysis on the proposal's compatibility with EU Member States' international human rights obligations. In addition, the assessment puts focus on refugees’ options to obtain legal access to EU Member States’ territory in order to claim international protection as well as the proposal's implications on these options. The study concludes that the European Council's proposal is compatible with EU Member States’ international human rights obligations, but cannot create protected entry procedures for refugees.Show less
The EU-Turkey Agreement of March 2016 was concluded by the EU Member States and not by the EU itself. This work tests what that fact says about the validity of the theory of Normative Power Europe...Show moreThe EU-Turkey Agreement of March 2016 was concluded by the EU Member States and not by the EU itself. This work tests what that fact says about the validity of the theory of Normative Power Europe by using an interdisciplinary approach of historical, political, sociatal and legal narratives of the EU-Turkey Agreement.Show less
By conducting socio-legal research comprised of an internal legal doctrinal approach and an external moral approach, this thesis analyses the extent to which the EU is obligated to enact...Show moreBy conducting socio-legal research comprised of an internal legal doctrinal approach and an external moral approach, this thesis analyses the extent to which the EU is obligated to enact legislation on the recognition of same-sex legal relationships from a legal and moral dimension. The internal legal doctrinal approach locates and analyses the ECtHR’s case law and explicates three legal doctrines demonstrating the ECtHR’s interpretive ethic. This thesis will use the necessary flexibility provided by the legal doctrines to develop and improve the interpretation of the ECHR in order to safeguard the universal enjoyment of the right to respect for family life under Article 8 of the ECHR. The external moral approach illustrates the underlying heteronormative structures of society and the institutionalised system of law within the frameworks of constructivism and queer theory. Following the internal legal doctrinal and external moral approach, this thesis shows discrepancies between law in theory and law in practice and presents reconstructive recommendations in line with legal and social reality to solve these discrepancies. It provides compelling arguments and justifiable means for the ECtHR to broaden the notion of family life within the meaning of Article 8 to include marital same-sex legal relationships, thereby extending the positive obligation flowing from Article 8 with the aim of improving the substantive rights of same-sex couples in the EU and to safeguard the universal enjoyment of Article 8.Show less
This study examines the impact of recently introduced personal data protection legislation of the European Union (EU) on the development of artificial intelligence (AI) in Europe. It compares the...Show moreThis study examines the impact of recently introduced personal data protection legislation of the European Union (EU) on the development of artificial intelligence (AI) in Europe. It compares the competitive position of the EU in relation to the United States (US), which is in many respects the market leader in the field of AI. It finds that the degree of freedom for the collection and handling of personal data by companies working with AI is central for the functioning of machine-learning and deep learning. The wide definition of personal data, as has been constituted by the EU in the Breyer case, has resulted in a wide variance of data being labelled personal data through the EU regulatory scope. Therefore, the legal framework in the EU that deals with nearly all data is the recently implemented General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), since this is the appropriate framework for personal data. This study finds that the GDPR severely limits the freedom to collect and process personal data on the long-term by companies, most notably through the "right to be forgotten" and the "right to explanation". These rights, deriving from the GDPR, have several negative effects on the ability of European companies to use personal data to develop their AI systems, which negatively affect their competitive position vis-à-vis the US, which still has more relaxed data protection regulation. However, we are starting to see that the European data protection model is being implemented in other jurisdictions. The US has announced the California Consumer Protection Act, which echoes some key provisions from the GDPR, but is still being reviewed by the state of California. Moreover, due to several factors that are discussed in the study and the so-called “Brussel’s effect”, this study finds that it is highly likely that the trend of privacy norms stemming from the GDPR being copied by the US will continue and therefore will ‘level the playing field’ for European and American firms developing AI.Show less
This thesis analyses the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) development of the right to an individual enforcement of EU law for a path dependence. In a thorough analysis of the origin and further...Show moreThis thesis analyses the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) development of the right to an individual enforcement of EU law for a path dependence. In a thorough analysis of the origin and further development of this right and an evaluation of the policy context in which it was developed, three major indications for a path dependent development are identified: (i) the introduction of the right to an individual enforcement of EU law in Van Gend en Loos (VGL) is found to have served as a critical juncture which influenced the subsequent development in a path-defining manner, (ii) the ECJ’s subsequent case-law development of the right is found to have been charaterised by decision-making patterns conforming the original decision in VGL, and (iii) the policy context in which the right was developed is found to have been defined by conditions increasing the likelihood of a path dependence. Finally, this thesis underlines the implications such a path dependent development of case-law has for the ECJ’s case-law itself, its analysis and for EU policy-making on the whole.Show less
This thesis explores the European Union’s rhetoric in the field of ethical AI by aiming to pin their discourse to mainstream normative ethical theories. The literature review supplies a deep...Show moreThis thesis explores the European Union’s rhetoric in the field of ethical AI by aiming to pin their discourse to mainstream normative ethical theories. The literature review supplies a deep insight into the current discussions on-going in AI, as well as its sub-fields. This is followed by a critical analysis into ethics and AI and why there is a necessity for ethical considerations when using AI. A synopsis of the EU’s current position is explored prior to delving into the methodological decisions made in the cadre of this thesis. A document analysis of qualitative secondary data permits an analysis into two key documents: The AI High-Level Expert Group’s ethical guidelines, as well as an official European Commission communiqué on said guidelines. Finally, the normative theories introduced in the literature review act as a framework for analysing and evaluating the EU’s early AI rhetoric, in order to arrive at my conclusions in section 6.0. In doing so, this thesis aims to comprehend the EU’s ethical strategy for ethical AI.Show less
On regular bases, the Court of Justice of the European Union has been accused of being activist. However, the very nature of the European Union and the great complexity and diversity of the...Show moreOn regular bases, the Court of Justice of the European Union has been accused of being activist. However, the very nature of the European Union and the great complexity and diversity of the European Court of Justice’s case law imply that judicial activism in itself may mean different things. First used and widespread in the United States, the term was rapidly taken for granted and applied to the Court of Justice of the European Union. Yet, the notion of judicial activism has been extensively used by scholars and judges but its meaning has become more and more ambiguous. As American Judge Frank H. Easterbrook already put in 2002 “Everyone scorns judicial “activism”, that notoriously slippery term” (2002: 1402). In fact, too often employed to explain a number of different, even contradictory, concepts, it has become increasingly risky to use it. This thesis does neither aim to provide a single and specific definition of the notion of judicial activism nor to bring a completely new approach to the term. Its purpose is rather to collect a wide body of scholarship, to gather the most top-cited theories, to link them to case law and other literature. Then, the objective is to create a typology of judicial activism to make it easier for the reader to understand and for the scholars to convey their theories more adequately.Show less
The European Court of Justice (ECJ) has been accused of being a judicially activist court in cases such as Van Gend en Loos and Costa v. ENEL. This behaviour has been studied extensively by...Show moreThe European Court of Justice (ECJ) has been accused of being a judicially activist court in cases such as Van Gend en Loos and Costa v. ENEL. This behaviour has been studied extensively by scholars. In recent years, the ECJ has made decisions in the area of Justice and Home Affairs. This thesis looks at the question: to what extent the court has acted in a judicially activist manner in this area through the analysis of three cases: Opinion 2/13, Melloni and Metock. A further aim of this thesis is to determine if certain methods have been used by the court to make its judicially activist behaviour acceptable to member states.Show less
On 18 March 2016, the EU – Turkey Statement was conducted by the heads of states or governments of the EU and Ahmed Davutoğlu, Turkish minister of foreign affairs, with the aim to control irregular...Show moreOn 18 March 2016, the EU – Turkey Statement was conducted by the heads of states or governments of the EU and Ahmed Davutoğlu, Turkish minister of foreign affairs, with the aim to control irregular migration from the Aegean Sea towards the European Union. Yet, concerns have been raised regarding the compliance of the EU – Turkey Statement with human rights. Human rights have to be respected in the EU member states as well as in Turkey. When Turkey does not respect these rights, it cannot be considered as safe. As long as Turkey cannot be considered as a safe third country, the EU – Turkey Statement will violate the law of the European Union. This would not only have consequences for the current Statement, but also for similar statements conducted in the near future in which the EU – Turkey Statement might serve as a blueprint for human rights violations. To that end, the aim of this thesis is to examine the compatibility of the EU – Turkey Statement with international and European law, based on human dignity, the right to asylum, the principle of non-refoulement and the assumption of Turkey as a safe third country. The legal examination resulted in the main findings that the EU – Turkey Statement shows malfunctions on the upholding of human rights in the European Union and that Turkey cannot be considered as a safe third country. This because Turkey is part of the Geneva Convention with geographical limitation, the absence for non-Europeans to be granted with asylum in Turkey, a history of violations concerning the non-refoulement principle and serious concerns for inhuman or degrading treatment. In other words, the EU – Turkey Statement is not in accordance with European law and does not safeguard human rights.Show less
The influx of irregular migrants in the Mediterranean has become one of the most challenging issues facing the EU today. The EU has an obligation under international law to protect those who are...Show moreThe influx of irregular migrants in the Mediterranean has become one of the most challenging issues facing the EU today. The EU has an obligation under international law to protect those who are not safe in their countries of origin. the issue of protecting those who are in need of the EU’s protection and in turn managing and controlling the EU’s external borders has become highly debated. The question of security in the matter of migration and asylum policy is almost symbiotic. This article examines the issue of security within migration and asylum policy through the Copenhagen School theory of securitization. Through the case study of the Lampedusa tragedy of 2013 the question of whether EU action taken following this tragedy contributes to the securitization of migration and asylum policy is examined.Show less
This thesis aims to explore the link between the individual and the social structures to which they belong. By exploring the subject of Solidarity as a word and a concept used by politicians of...Show moreThis thesis aims to explore the link between the individual and the social structures to which they belong. By exploring the subject of Solidarity as a word and a concept used by politicians of both persuasions and cemented in various legal systems, we aim to form an understanding of difficulties which may emerge from structures both physically and organizationally distant from the individual.Show less
The Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts,...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts, geopolitical strife and sectarian violence. This thesis examines the European Union's response to this complex conflict through a neorealist lens and a detailed discussion of European policy throughout the years.Show less
This Master thesis approaches a central theme for modern societies and democracies: media freedom. The following analysis chooses to scrutinise one specific country’s conceptualisation of this...Show moreThis Master thesis approaches a central theme for modern societies and democracies: media freedom. The following analysis chooses to scrutinise one specific country’s conceptualisation of this principle: France. As this study finds and further demonstrates, the French understanding of media freedom relates to a European conceptualisation; categorised in the consequentialist academic trend. Although grouped with the consequentialists, this thesis however decides to further analyse this arguably utopic view on the French case. Precisely, it is interesting to question France’s almost sacrosanct international image of pays des droits de l’homme. However, by questioning this stance, the thesis does not aim to be outrightly sceptic: instead it questions France’s categorisation in the consequentialist group to either conclude by confirming it, or revoking it. Since this analysis can only be succinctly conducted, researches have justified the choice to focus on the Institutional Act n°2009-257, enacted during Nicolas Sarkozy’s term. Thus, the topic is narrowed down to the French perspective of media freedom as to public broadcasting services (PBS). Although later amended with Law n°2013-1028 of November 15th 2013, the relevance of the 2009 Institutional Act thought to deserve a distinct analysis – due to its ‘uniqueness’ in the French PBS legal landscape. To conduct this analysis, Jan Oster’s theorisation is chosen. Indeed, the legal framework proposed by the academic is believed to allow a thorough scrutiny of this 2009 piece of legislation – and the other provisions attached to it. Specifically, a combined politico-legal analysis of this legal text is to be conducted. It is believed that a political sciences insight could help determine what the legal discipline cannot. Attention should be put on the fact that this study accounts as the first to employ J. Oster’s theoretical and methodological framework, so that no previous model is available. Therefore, this thesis’ attempt to use it is a form of experimentation.Show less
The European Parliament elections in the spring of 2014 witnessed the victory of eurosceptic far right parties, especially in France, Denmark and the United Kingdom. Consequently, the incredible...Show moreThe European Parliament elections in the spring of 2014 witnessed the victory of eurosceptic far right parties, especially in France, Denmark and the United Kingdom. Consequently, the incredible ascent of eurosceptic attitudes in the public debate has put the question of the causes of such a development at the forefront of European Union studies. Academia has identified a multiplicity of factors for the formation of eurosceptic attitudes in EU member-states. Indeed, causes for popular anti-EU feelings range from identity attachment, rational economic calculus, level of education, social transnationalism, and reception of political cues. Party-based euroscepticism is conceived to be the result of ideological positioning and politicisation strategies by extreme parties on the political spectrum to reap electoral mandates and gain visibility. The present study offers a general model for political thought formation by approaching euroscepticism as a narrative exercised in the public sphere. Anti-EU discourse is mutually constructed by party competition in the national political arena, the media filter and public civil society. The case study of the Front National’s campaign in 2014, reveals that the party used populist tactics, such as an anti-elite stance, to capture the popular vote. The incorporation of EU issues into its ideological rationale, embodying the defence of national sovereignty, cultural homogeneity and economic self-determination, has amplified the anti-EU discourse in public debate. Yet, populist strategies of the Front National are insufficient in explaining French eurosceptic attitudes. They evolve in a particular climate whereby a narrative of decline is sustained by the media, which taps into individual feelings of insecurity in social, cultural and economic terms.Show less
